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Saint Francis of Assisi 
Social Reformer 



Saint Francis ofAssisi 
Social Reformer 



by 
LEO L. DUBOIS, S.M. 



New York, Cincinnati, Chicago 

BENZIGER BROTHERS 

PRINTERS TO THE HOLY APOSTOLIC SEE 
1906 







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J. M. PORTAL, S.M., 

Provincial. 


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REMIGIUS LAFORT, 

Censor Librorum. 


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►KJOHN M. 


FARLEY, 

Archbishop of New York. 



New York, July 81, 1905. 



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Copyright, 1906, by Benziger Brothers. 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Introduction 7 

Part I. — History. # 

Chapter I. — Antecedents 31 

Chapter II. — Activity in Social Reform 46 

Part II. — The Character of St. Francis. 

Chapter I. — Francis the Saint 69 

Chapter II. — Characteristics of Mind 76 

Chapter III. — St. Francis as a Leader 103 

Part III. — The Ideas of St. Francis on Social 
Reform. 

Chapter I. — Comprehensive Reform 145 

Chapter II. — Religious Reform 158 

Chapter III. — Conservative Reform 174 

Chapter IV.— Individual Reform 189 

Conclusion 205 

Appendix : Bibliography 217 



INTRODUCTION. 

1. The Spirit of the Time of St. Francis. 

2. The Social Problem. 

THE bibliography of St. Francis reveals to 
us two facts equally striking : the wonderful 
abundance of the literature on the saint and his 
work, and, at the same time, the absence of any 
study professedly treating St. Francis as a social 
reformer. In the following pages an attempt 
is made to present him in this light. Hence, 
the sociological point of view is taken through- 
out. An effort is made to describe the steps 
by which he became a reformer, the work 
accomplished by him, the processes of his mind 
and the traits of his character as far as these 
affected his reform work, the social ideas and 
principles on which his reform work was 
grounded. 

The following conclusions seem to be justi- 
fied by the facts as brought to our knowledge 
by a study of the documents of St. Francis's 
time: 



8 Saint Francis of Assisi 

Francis, born in an age of faith,, feeling, and 
enthusiasm, but also of social unrest, became a 
reformer as the natural outcome of his love for 
God and for everything which God has created. 
A strenuous saint, but none the less open to the 
tenderest human sentiments, a poet, a trouba- 
dour, a chevalier in character and aspirations, 
intensely in love with a poor, abandoned, but 
chaste maiden, "La donna Poverta," Francis 
felt that he had received from God a mission 
to convert the world and to restore the peace 
and happiness which ought to reign among His 
children. He went to the people, to the poor 
and the rich, to the laymen and the clergy, 
to the great and the lowly, captivating all, 
not only by his charming character, but also by 
his unstudied and unaffected, yet irresistible 
eloquence; thus he became the soul of a popu- 
lar movement, which spread over all Europe 
and made itself felt in all parts of the then 
known world. 

There was no philosophy, no method, no spirit 
of organization in Francis, nor were they necessary 
for the creation of a popular movement. When 
the preservation of Francis's work required 
thought, order, direction, he himself applied to 
the Church, that, "like a loving mother," she 






M 



Introduction 9 

might supply what was lacking in the child, and 
bring his work to completion and success. 

Though the reform which Francis and the 
Church accomplished conjointly was above all 
religious, based on the Gospel and aimed at the 
conversion and salvation of man, it was never- 
theless all-comprehensive, including the natural 
as well as the supernatural, the material as 
well as the spiritual in man. It aimed, not 
at the destruction of existing principles and 
institutions, but at the repression of abuses com- 
mitted by individuals, and the triumph of charity 
and justice among men. 

1. St. Francis was born in the year 1182, 
in the town of Assisi, situated on the slope of the 
mountains of Umbria, on the road from Perugia 
to Spoleto. He died in his native place, October 
3, 1226. The greatest part of his life was spent 
in Italy, the center of Christendom. 

His age was above all an age of faith. It was 
the age which saw two of the greatest manifesta- 
tions of religious faith, the Crusades and the 
Gothic cathedrals. It was the age of saints, 
when heads of nations, kings and emperors, 
emulated the inhabitants of the cloister in 
the pursuit of Christian perfection. Such 



10 Saint Francis of Assisi 

were, for instance, St. Ferdinand, king of Leon 
and Castille; St. Elizabeth of Hungary and 
her holy husband, Louis of Thuringia; Blanche 
of Castille, the mother of St. Louis. The saints, 
perhaps even more than the warriors, were the 
popular heroes of the day. The discovery of 
the relics of a martyr was an event as remark- 
able as a change of dynasty. Public penances, 
long and painful pilgrimages, foundations of 
cloisters, sudden conversions, also were evidences 
of that active faith which permeated the people 
of the thirteenth century. It sounds like a 
paradox, yet it is true, to say that for them the 
supernatural was natural and the natural became 
supernatural. They lived in a supernatural atmos- 
phere: everything which happened was a super- 
natural intervention of God, and they contin- 
ually expected Him to perform miracles; the 
"Judgments of God" are an example to the 
point. They believed that they saw Christ, 
the Blessed Virgin, and the saints, and spoke 
with them. They thought that numerous 
devils were always ready to attack men if they 
were not on guard. St. Francis was not the 
only one who believed he found a legion of 
devils in his pillow. The numberless demons 
carved in the stalls, or painted on the frescoes, 



Introduction 11 

or inlaid in the stained windows of the churches 
of that period, manifest well the mind of the 
time. Every fact which was somewhat out of 
the ordinary was immediately traced to God or 
the devil as supposed causes. 

The supremacy of the Church in temporal as 
well as in religious matters, at the time when St. 
Francis began his life as a reformer, was a fact 
which could only strengthen this faith in the 
supernatural. Innocent III, then on the pon- 
tifical throne, had reached the climax of his 
power, and he practically ruled the world. He 
had compelled the French monarch to take 
back the wife from whom he had sought 
a divorce. The king of England had surrendered 
his crown to him, to receive it again as the humble 
vassal of the pontiff. Constantinople itself had 
become a Latin kingdom, and a Latin church had 
been established by Innocent within its walls. 

The time, however, was not without its evils. 
This young people, full of faith, had many faults. 
The records of the Council of the Lateran, in 
1215, reveal the presence of corruption in the 
ranks of the clergy; celibacy was not faithfully 
practised; simony was far from unknown, and 
many clerics entirely neglected one of the essen- 
tial duties of their office: the preaching and 



12 Saint Francis of Assisi 

teaching of the word of God. The monasteries 
had become rich. With riches, corruption had 
too often entered the sacred inclosure. Among 
the people was found the strangest mixture of 
faith and vice. Not only were there great saints 
and great criminals, but frequently an individual 
passed suddenly from sin to self-denial or from 
virtue to vice. For the knight of the thirteenth 
century, God and the lady of his heart, devotion 
and gallantry, charity and revenge, cloister and 
battle-field, were all objects equally worthy of 
his ambition. 

The Teutonic tribes that had invaded Europe 
several centuries before were still in the youth of 
civilization, unstable and enthusiastic. Enthu- 
siasm was their normal state. They had only 
one desire: to consecrate themselves to a great 
cause. It may be the Crusade, the strict life 
of a Carthusian monk, the adventurous life of a 
knight or of a brigand ; they would enter on any 
walk of life with the same ardor. 

Poetry, imagination, mysticism, love of sym- 
bolism, were also characteristic of this young 
people. The troubadours and minnesingers cele- 
brated the exploits of imaginary or real heroes. 
They sang religion, love, and war; but religion, 
love, and war were personified: in Christ, in the 



Introduction 13 

Pope, in the lady whose banner the courteous 
knight carried through the world, or in the 
warrior who had performed wonderful exploits 
among the Saracens. The people of St. Francis's 
time understood abstract ideas only by their con- 
crete realizations — they saw rather than under- 
stood. Religion for them consisted in devotion to 
saints and martyrs, to the person of Christ in the 
crib or on the cross, and it was unaccompanied by 
systematic contemplation of great spiritual truths. 
They saw in every creature a symbol of something 
higher and nobler: the material was the symbol 
of the spiritual; the natural of the supernatural. 
They saw God in the Pope, and for them the 
heretic was the devil incarnate. Lessons were 
better imparted to their minds by practical images 
than by speeches and theories; the sight of the 
Flagellants scourging themselves on the public 
squares moved them more than the sermon of 
their bishop. 

At the same time, the age of St. Francis was 
one of transition. Besides the vigor, ardor, sen- 
sibility and imagination of youth, a deep and 
serious feeling began to take root. The feeling 
was one of dissatisfaction with actual conditions; 
a vague consciousness arose that in the Christian 
world something was wrong. This discon- 



14 Saint Francis of Assisi 

tent manifested itself in revolts, heresies, social 
conflicts. The ideal after which they aspired was 
not well defined in their minds. The spirit of 
discontent revealed itself in the lamentations and 
prophecies of Joachim of Fiora, the Calabrian 
visionary; in the revelations of St. Elizabeth of 
Schonau, and of St. Hildegarde of Bingen. Many 
attempts at religious and social reform charac- 
terized that epoch. Everyone felt the need of 
reform, though no one knew what should be the 
nature of it. Men, pushed at the same time by 
their restlessness and their enthusiasm, eagerly 
embraced any ideal of reform, and whenever a 
saint, a hero, or a deluded leader raised the 
banner of reform, he found numbers of 
adherents who adopted his cause, thinking that 
they had found at last the ideal for which they 
had been longing. 

2. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, 
the feudal system was in its decline. It had 
served a great purpose, after the invasions of the 
barbarians, in introducing order among Euro- 
pean countries, and in protecting them from fur- 
ther incursions. But the system was far from 
perfect, and the evils which it entailed grew as 
the reasons which had justified the introduction 



Introduction 15 

of it disappeared. The feudal system had 
necessarily brought about the division of society 
into two classes, serfs and lords. In the begin- 
ning the serfs had gladly offered to the lords 
their services in exchange for a much needed 
protection; but when the need of protection 
was diminished, the lords continued to exact 
from the serfs equal or greater services and 
taxes. Again, the system was based on the 
hierarchical distribution of land; land meant 
sovereignty, and a mere lord might possess more 
power than the king himself, solely because he 
had more land under his immediate jurisdiction. 
The serfs, owning no land, were deprived of all 
social and political power. The division between 
the two classes was thus rendered still greater, 
and the lower class was continually oppressed 
by those who possessed land and power. 

The Church at this time was busily engaged in 
asserting against the emperors the supremacy of 
her power. The Popes, it is true, had done a 
great deal to improve the condition of the serfs 
and to obtain a recognition of their rights 
against the lords, and they used the ascendency 
which they had gained over the Christian nations 
in favor not only of morality, but also of justice 
and liberty. At the same time, the bishops had 



16 Saint Francis of Assisi 

too often abandoned themselves to a worldly 
life and to worldly ambitions; they possessed 
land, and enjoyed the power which the land gave 
them; they had their serfs, and often treated 
them no better than did the lords. The monas- 
teries in the past had been refuges for those who, 
tired of the world and of the ways of the world, 
sought there the liberty of the children of God. 
Now they had become very rich, and a worldly 
spirit had followed the acquisition of worldly 
goods. Though still generous toward the poor, 
they had ceased to be their friends. 

Hence the very agencies which, in the past, had 
softened the harshness of the feudal system, 
failed to apply the remedy at the very time 
when it was most needed. 

The conditions, however, were not the same 
throughout all Italy. The Italian republics of 
the North had gone a long way toward emanci- 
pation and were at the head of the European 
movement for liberty. Pisa, Genoa, Venice, 
and other cities of Northern Italy had become, 
particularly since the beginning of the Crusades, 
the centers toward which gravitated all the 
traffic to and from the Orient. These circum- 
stances had brought them riches, prosperity, and 
at the same time ambition, love of liberty and 



Introduction 17 

of power. Each aimed not only at indepen- 
dence, but at supremacy as well. The bitter quar- 
rels between Guelphs and Ghibellines, during the 
twelfth and thirteenth centuries, were the out- 
come of this condition: the former represented 
the radical and progressive element, which stood 
for liberation from the foreign yoke, the inde- 
pendence of the Italian republics; the latter, 
more conservative, favored the emperor and his 
party, and thought that the only way to bring 
back to Italy unity and peace was to affiliate 
all those young states to the German empire. 

Outside of these republics the movement was 
less advanced. It was particularly slow among 
country people, serfs or villains, who still formed 
the great bulk of population. They lacked the 
force which townsmen found in union. They 
lacked the resources which trade and commerce 
brought. 

However, in the towns outside of the more 
advanced Italian republics, the movement fell 
in with the time of transition from feudal to 
communal regime. A general craving for liberty 
was felt by the townsmen. The communes were 
struggling against the lords. Charters were 
applied for, paid for, fought for. 

The conditions in these towns deserve particular 



18 Saint Francis of Assisi 

attention, for it was in a town that Francis was 
trained and in towns also that Franciscan activity 
mostly exercised itself. The towns of Italy had 
developed rapidly in the twelfth century, owing 
chiefly to the revival of trade at the time of the 
Crusades. A mixed population had flocked there, 
partly from the class of the villains, who found 
there a refuge against the oppression of their mas- 
ters ; partly from the classes of the nobles , whose 
interests had brought them to those centers of trade 
and commerce. As already mentioned, in the towns 
virtue and vice were found side by side; there were 
great and noble actions, as well as crimes. The 
towns were often the refuge of suspicious charac- 
ters, of tramps, of beggars, who lived on the work 
of others, of criminals, who found there a com- 
paratively safe hiding-place. They were also 
the seat of much misery; the poor, the infirm, 
the aged, naturally frequented the places where 
riches abounded. This misery was further 
increased by the diseases which then infested the 
towns. The population was compactly inclosed 
within the walls in a space often comparatively 
small, having little air and little light, as the 
streets were narrow, the houses low and dark. 
The dirt of the streets was hardly ever removed; 
there were no sewers, and all the refuse was 



Introduction 19 

simply thrown on the streets. Nor were there 
any sanitary measures to prevent or stop the 
progress of contagious diseases. Hence arose 
those epidemics which often visited the towns of 
Europe and destroyed a great number of their 
inhabitants. 

Their intellectual and religious condition was 
little better. The instruction of the townsmen 
was greatly neglected, either on account of the 
lack of priests, or on account of the separation 
of the clergy from the lower classes. The clergy, 
as they became rich and powerful, had come to 
form a class of their own, which, as well as 
the class of the lords, considered itself superior 
to the townsmen. 

At the same time, the towns represented the 
rising element of the age. As the feudal system, 
which had divided the European world into two 
social classes — lords and serfs, rich and poor, 
powerful and oppressed — was disappearing, a 
middle class was rising, the class of merchants 
and artisans, the burgesses, who now began to 
constitute a third estate. This was the pro- 
gressive class, the class which largely formed 
the population of towns, and to this class 
the Bernardone family and Francis himself 
belonged. 



20 Saint Francis of Assisi 

Whatever may have been the political aspect 
of the social condition, the problem itself was 
regarded as religious, the evil was considered as 
religious, and the remedies offered were religious. 
Francis, as well as the majority of reformers at 
the time, was a religious reformer. 

Religion was the basis of everything in the 
thirteenth century, and everything was seen 
through a religious coloring. The people thought 
and spoke of heaven and hell as our college boys 
speak of baseball and football. They were 
imbued with a religious spirit which we can 
hardly realize. They could never have 
thought of a political or economic question 
which was not, before all, a religious question. 
They did not isolate, as we do, the political and 
economic phases of a social system. They saw 
only lords, serfs, clerics, monks — all more or less 
in need of religious virtues which would have 
restored to all peace and happiness. 

Besides, the evil, whose effects all might see, 
was the abuse of the power given by riches. To 
the eyes of this simple population, the love of 
riches and of the power which they gave was the 
great evil which made reform necessary. This 
excessive love of riches was a sin, and they saw no 
manner of doing away with it but by practising 



Introduction 21 

virtue, and particularly the virtue of poverty 
which Christ had taught to the world. 

Hence the remedies offered for the social fail- 
ings of the thirteenth century were religious, and 
all the plans of reform were inspired by religion. 
As a matter of fact, religion had already con- 
tributed largely to temper the social evils of the 
time. We hear continually of the foundation 
of new monasteries, of lands and houses 
bequeathed to religious orders, of new communi- 
ties which consecrated themselves to the redemp- 
tion of captives or to the care of the sick, of 
generous almsgiving. But these good works did 
not eradicate the evil. Monasteries and religious 
orders were already too rich, and, though they 
gave abundantly to the poor, they, like private 
benefactors, did not use sufficient discrimina- 
tion in their distribution of alms. Men of that 
age in their simple faith saw in almsgiving rather 
the meritorious action benefiting the donor than 
the relief of the poor, and we may well imagine 
that such indiscriminate charity must have often 
encouraged idleness. The congregations which 
had a social utility and which arose at the end 
of the twelfth century and beginning of the thir- 
teenth, like the Confraternity of the Charitable 
of St. Eloy, of the Hospitallers of St. James, 



22 Saint Francis of Assisi 

the Trinitarians and the Order of Mercy for the 
redemption of captives, the Order of the Holy 
Ghost for the service of hospitals — all these cer- 
tainly did a great deal of good, but they were 
limited in their aim, in their influence, and on 
the whole, were of little avail to eradicate the 
social evils of the time. 

To quote Leo XIII, in his Encyclical "Auspi- 
cato" of September 17, 1882: "There was 
a penury of Christian virtues in the thirteenth 
century. A great number of men, enslaved by 
temporal things, either coveted honors and riches 
with frenzy, or lived in luxury and pleasure. 
All the power belonged to a few, and this power 
had almost become a tool of oppression against 
the despised and unhappy people. Those very 
persons who by their profession should have 
served as examples to the others had not avoided 
the stains of general vices. The extinction of 
charity in various places had had as consequences 
the apparition of manifold and many scourges: 
envy, jealousy, hatred; minds were so divided 
and so unfriendly that for the least cause neigh- 
boring cities waged war, and individuals took 
arms against each other." It was in one of these 
wars between cities that the ardent Francis took . 
part when little over twenty years old. 

t 



Introduction 23 

Long before the day of Francis, vigorous efforts 
had been made on the part of Catholic reformers 
and of visionaries to reform society. In the first 
half of the twelfth century, St. Bernard (1091- 
1153) had already endeavored by his warnings 
and example to bring about the reform needed. 
His work hardly survived him, while the evil 
increased in the following period, and with the 
evil the protests which arose under various forms. 

We find these protests in the visions and 
prophecies of St. Hildegarde of Bingen (1098- 
1179), and of Elizabeth of Schonau, who died in 
1164, both nuns of great repute. The former 
boldly rebuked the clergy for their worldly con- 
duct, their ambition, their thirst for riches, and 
announced to them a divine judgment which 
would deprive them of the riches through which 
they had been corrupted. The prophecies of 
St. Hildegarde were much read, and contributed 
largely to bring about the reaction. 

Joachim of Fiora (1145-1202), the Calabrian 
monk who had been converted by the sight of the 
plague while on a voyage to the East, and had 
embraced poverty, announced the approaching 
end of the second age in the history of the world, 
and the beginning of the third age, the age of 
the Holy Ghost, the "Evangelium iEternum," 



24 Saint Francis of Assisi 

in which the world, sick with the corruption 
caused by riches, would return to apostolical 
simplicity and poverty. 

Among the more practical efforts of Catholic 
reformers may be mentioned the rise of the 
"Humiliati" of Milan, who wore a poor habit 
and earned their living by common manual labor, 
and of the "Pauperes Catholici," that branch 
of the Waldenses which, under Innocent III, 
submitted to the Church. But neither society 
had much influence: the former remained a local 
institution; the latter, regarded by the bishops 
with suspicion, never received their favor. 

A number of the reformers came from the ranks 
of the heretics, and directed their efforts in 
opposition to the Church. They not only 
appealed to the ideal of the primitive Church, 
to the simplicity and poverty of Christ and His 
Apostles, but attacked the prelates of the Church 
for their worldliness, attacked the doctrines of 
the Church and her institutions, and pretended 
that she had no right to possess earthly goods, 
some going so far as to proclaim these earthly 
goods intrinsically bad. 

Arnauld of Brescia, who died in 1155, left be- 
hind him a number of disciples who, until the Coun- 
cil of Verona (1184), continued to protest against 



Introduction 25 

the possession of riches by the Church and the 
exercise of temporal power by Popes and bishops. 

About 1160, Pierre Waldo, a rich burgess of 
Lyons, struck by the words of Our Lord on 
poverty, distributed his goods to the poor, and 
founded the society of the "Pauperes Lugduni." 
Led into revolt, they were excommunicated 
by Lucius III in 1184; they spread nevertheless 
with great rapidity, particularly in Northern 
Italy, preaching the return to apostolical sim- 
plicity and poverty. 

Other sects of reformers arose, going by the 
name of Apostolicals, like those of Perigueux in 
the South of France. As their name indi- 
cates, they claimed to follow the Apostles in 
renouncing all earthly goods and interests. 
But their influence was very small compared 
with that of the Albigenses, who also spread 
chiefly in the South of France. The Albigenses 
were not, it is true, a new sect, and their origin 
can not be attributed to the spirit of reaction 
against the corruption of the Christian world by 
riches. But, if this spirit of reaction did not 
cause their rise, it certainly caused their won- 
derful spread at the end of the twelfth and the 
beginning of the thirteenth century through 
Southern France, Northern Italy, and Germany. 



26 Saint Francis of Assisi 

They condemned matter as coming from the evil 
principle, and, with more logic than moderation, 
looked upon riches, property, marriage, as radi- 
cally bad, because belonging to the material 
world. The members of this sect, particularly 
the "Perfecti," presented themselves before the 
people as rigid observers of the evangelical law 
and of evangelical poverty, and it was the prac- 
tice of the Gospel and of poverty, far more than 
their dualistic doctrines, which brought to their 
ranks so many recruits. We read in St. Dom- 
inic's life that the Papal legate and the twelve 
Cistercian abbots sent by the Pope to convert 
the Albigenses gained no success whatever. The 
heretics would naturally compare their own lead- 
ers, professing to live in poverty as followers of 
Christ and His Apostles, with the pomp and 
luxury which accompanied the Catholic prelates. 
The popular feeling was on the side of poverty, 
and when Dominic and Didacus, bishop of Osma, 
began their missionary labors among the Albi- 
genses, they first put themselves on a level with 
the leaders of the sect by renouncing all pomp 
and state. They led a poor life, traveled on 
foot, and avoided all demonstrations of honor; 
and, later, Dominic, as far as circumstances 
allowed him, adopted for the Preaching Friars, 



Introduction 27 

as a more effective means of obtaining success 
among the heretics, the absolute poverty which 
was practised so well by the Franciscans. 

What may surprise us is the success of these 
anti-Catholic movements in that time of active 
faith. It may be accounted for by the 
restlessness — that vague but constant aspi- 
ration after a better state — which characterized 
the age. Nor were these movements limited 
by physical barriers or by nationality. The 
European world as a society was then beginning 
to exist. The merchants, travelers, trouba- 
dours, propagated the news and the popular 
movements as well. 

The merchants went about from castle to 
castle, from borough to borough, and were 
welcomed by all — lords and townsmen. During 
the long winter evenings all gathered around 
them and heard from them the happenings of 
distant lands. They had seen much themselves, 
but they had also learned a great deal from the 
Crusaders, from the pilgrims, from the soldiers 
and adventurers whom they had met in the ports, 
in the inns, on the roads. 

At the same time the troubadours of Provence 
spread everywhere their poetic strains on the 
popular questions of the day. Bernard of 



28 Saint Francis of Assisi 

Ventadour, Cadenet, Raimbaud de Vaqueiras, 
and Pierre Vidal, went to Northern and 
Central Italy, and sojourned there during 
Francis's boyhood. They also spoke of the cor- 
ruption caused by riches and the desire of wealth, 
and neither cleric nor bishop was spared at their 
hands. Hence, a heresy born in France was 
soon transplanted into Italy and even Germany, 
and vice versa. 

It seems, however, that those popular and 
religious movements affected more particularly 
the South of France and the Northern part of 
Italy. It was there that the Waldenses and 
Albigenses obtained their greatest success, the 
towns being generally their headquarters and 
center of operation. It was from Northern 
Italy, and from a town, that the great Catholic 
reformer of the thirteenth century arose. 

The common remedy proposed by all reformers 
of that epoch, in and outside of the Church, was 
a return to apostolic poverty and simplicity. 
These features of reform agitation had attracted 
great numbers. It was by practising and 
preaching apostolic poverty and simplicity that 
Francis and his followers achieved their great 
reform. 



PART I 
HISTORY 



CHAPTER I— ANTECEDENTS. 

1. Early Life. 

2. To Social Reform. 

1. rilHE father of St. Francis, Pietro Bernardone, 
-■- was a rich merchant who traveled through 
Italy and France, in the interests of his business. 1 
He has been represented by some as a hard, 
avaricious man; by others, as liberal and generous, 
but irascible and obstinate. The latter view 
seems to be the better supported. 

While Francis was working at his father's 
trade, we know that he arrayed himself in the 
most costly clothes, and that it was customary 
for him frequently to invite his numerous 
friends to sumptuous banquets. At the same 
time he gave abundantly to his friends and to 
the poor. 2 His father never thought of inter- 

1 3 Soc, 2. References are given to the edition of 
the Bollandists for the legend of the Three Compan- 
ions, as also for the first life of Tommaso di Celano 
and the legend of St. Bonaventure. For the second 
life of Tommaso di Celano, the Amoni edition has 
been used. 

2 1 Cel., 2, 3; II Cel., I, 13. 3 Soc, 2, 3. 



32 History 

fering with these habits. In fact he allowed 
Francis to spend money as freely as he wished. 
But when Francis gave up his worldly life, and 
resolved to follow Christ, a complete change 
appeared in the conduct of his father. He not 
only refused to cooperate in his son's good work 
as he had formerly encouraged him in his life 
of dissipation, but even disowned him and 
took from him the very clothes he worer* 

In Francis's mother, Pica, a Provencal, accord- 
ing to tradition, we find a very different charac- 
ter. She was simple, affable, virtuous, yet at 
the same time energetic. She did not hesitate, 
in spite of Bernardone's orders, to break the 
chains which held Francis prisoner in a dark 
corner of the house. 2 

We know but little more about the parents of 
Francis. Yet, from what we know, we can not 
help remarking certain general traits common to 
parents and son. We find in the latter a strength 
of will much akin to the obstinacy of Bernardone. 
We also find in him the simplicity and affability 
of his mother, Pica. His early education was 
perhaps a little neglected, since the extravagant 
manners and princely ways of his youth were 

> 1 Cel., 14, 15; II Cel.,I, 7. 3 Soc, 18, 19. Bon., 19. 
^ I Cel., 13. 3 Soc, 18. 



Antecedents 33 

those of a spoiled child. 1 Though he received 
little instruction, calling himself an illiterate 
man, yet he learned some Latin at the ecclesias- 
tical school of Santo Giorgio, and also spoke some 
French. 2 

A quick intelligence and early contact with 
business made up, to a certain extent, for this 
lack of schooling. While a young man he was 
associated with his father in business, proving 
to be a "clever merchant." 3 In this capacity 
we may presume that he had frequent intercourse 
with men of different countries, and that he, 
like his father, traveled somewhat in Northern 
Italy and in Provence. Unfortunately, his early 
biographers confined themselves to the mere 
statement that he was a clever merchant. 

Some details concerning his worldly life and 
his early ambitions have been preserved. At 
the head of the young men of Assisi, he gave his 
time to poetry and gayety, to songs of love and 
pleasure, and the inhabitants of the little town 
wondered at the sight of his extravagant way of 
dressing, of the money which he spent or gave 
away lavishly, of the banquets to which he in- 

1 1 Cel., 2; II Cel., I, 1. 3 Soc, 1. 

2 3 Soc, 10, 24, 33. Bon., 219. 
» I Cel., 2. 



34 History 

vited his numerous friends; and his own parents 
were heard to say, "Our son lives like the son 
of a prince." 1 

When war w T as declared between Assisi and 
Perugia Francis took up the cause of liberty, 
fighting with the people against oppression — 
against the lords. As a soldier he was brave, 
and devoted to his companions during their 
captivity. 2 A little later, he heard of the knight, 
Gauthier de Brienne, traversing Italy at the head 
of an army. This news awakened in him the 
most ambitious hopes, and he decided to follow 
that knight. 3 "I know," he said to his friends 
on leaving Assisi, " I know that I shall be a great 
prince." 4 But, arrived at Spoleto, he had a 
dream. God appeared to him, and said, "Who 
can do thee more good, the master or the servant ? " 

"The master," answered Francis. — "Why 
then hast thou abandoned the master for the 
servant, the prince for the subject? Return to 
Assisi, and there I will show thee what thou 
oughtest to do." Francis, in his simple faith, 
obeyed what he believed to be the divine call, 

i I CeL, 2, 3. 3 Soc, 2, 3. 
2 II Cel., I, 1. 3 Soc, 4. 
s I CeL, 4. 3 Soc, 5. Bon., 9. 
* II Cel., I, 2. 3 Soc, 5. 



Antecedents 35 

and returned to Assisi. For the last time, he 
consented to preside at a banquet. But, as the 
joyous guests paraded through the streets, 
dancing and singing, they saw that Francis had 
remained behind, motionless and plunged in 
deep meditation. They asked him laughingly 
if he thought of taking a wife. "You speak the 
truth," he answered, "for I have resolved to 
espouse a wife nobler, richer, and more beautiful 
than all those that you know." 1 A new ideal had 
flashed before his eyes, an ideal to which he would 
consecrate his life. It was no longer poetry, 
war, knighthood — it was a higher and more 
worthy ideal, the ideal of Christian poverty, of 
which he would henceforth be the champion. 

2. From the world to God, from God to pov- 
erty for the love of God, from poverty to social 
reform for the love of the poor of God, such were 
the steps in the mental process by which Francis 
became a reformer. He surrendered worldly 
ambitions to embrace the cause of God, even 
before his new ideal was well defined. 

Whether Francis had ever heard from the lips 
of his father returning from long voyages, or 
from his Proven gal mother, the story of the efforts 

1 1 CeL, 7; II Cel.. I. S. 3 Soc„ 7. 



36 History 

of the orthodox Humiliati and of the heretical 
Waldenses and Albigenses to bring the Christian 
world back to apostolic poverty and simplicity, 
is not certain. 1 But it is evident from the first 
biographies of Francis that in his early years 
he had a great love for the poor. Though fond 
of pleasure, he was moved to tears by the 
sight of misery, and he loved to relieve it. Once 
when busily engaged in his father's shop, he 
repulsed a beggar who asked him alms for the 
love of God. Immediately a feeling of remorse 
flashed over him. He ran after the beggar, put 
into his hand several pieces of money, and then 
took the resolution never to refuse alms to any- 
one who would apply to him in the name of God. 2 
A little later, when on his way to join Gauthier 
de Brienne, richly attired as was his custom, he 
met a poor knight miserably clad. He was 
moved to such sympathy that he immediately 
divested himself of his costly garments, and 
forced them on the poor knight. 3 

Francis's conversion marks an epoch in his love 
of poverty. From that time on, he became 

1 H. Thode : "Franz von Assisi," p. 32. R. Mariano : 
"Francesco d Assisi," p. 126 ff. 
2 1 Cel., 17. 3 Soc, 3. Bon., 6. 
a I Cel., 4. 3 Soc, 6. Bon., 8. 



Antecedents 37 

more and more convinced that it was truly the 
state to which God called him; and, imitating 
the young knight who, for his first tournament, 
carefully concealed his identity until he received 
the laurels of victory, Francis went to Rome 
under the pretence of making a pilgrimage to 
the tomb of the Apostles, but in reality to try 
the state which he intended to embrace. 
Arrived there, he changed his rich garments for 
those of a poor man whom he met on the steps 
of St. Peter's, and representing himself as a beg- 
gar, he asked alms from those who passed. 1 

This was the apprenticeship through which he 
entered his new profession. When he returned 
to Assisi, his determination was fixed. Poverty 
would be his bride, and to her he would conse- 
crate his life. 

Some time after his return, while he was praying 
before the Crucifix in the little church of Santo 
Damiano, he heard the voice of Our Lord : " Fran- 
cis, do you not see that my house is falling to 
ruins? Go and repair my house." 2 Francis 
understood these words as applied to the little 
chapel, which was indeed falling to ruins. He 
began immediately to beg and to carry stones, 

» II Cel., I, 4. 3 Soc, 10. 

» II Cel., I, 6. 3 Soc, 13. Bon., 15. 



38 History 

and to call on the passers-by to come and help 
him repair the house of God. But, after a time, 
as he told his brethren, it was revealed to him 
that the words of Christ applied, not so much to 
the material chapel which he had repaired, as 
to the Church which needed reform. 1 

Shortly after hearing the voice in Santo 
Damiano, Francis was persecuted by his father, 
whom this transformation had angered. He 
stripped himself of his clothes in the court of the 
bishop of Assisi, and said, "I will return to my 
father even the clothes which I have received 
from him. Until now I have called Pietro 
Bernardone my father; from henceforth I will 
say in all truth : Our Father who art in heaven, 
you are my treasure and my hope." 2 He called 
himself the "herald of God," and began his work 
of charity among the unfortunate in the leper 
house on the Gubbio road. 3 

On the 24th of February, 1209, he assisted 
at Mass in the church of the Portiuncula, which 
also he had repaired. 4 At the Gospel, the priest 
read the words of Christ to His Apostles, when 

* Bon., 16. 

2 1 Cel., 14; II Cel., I, 7. 3 Soc, 20. Bon., 19, 20. 
3 1 Cel., 16, 17. Bon., 21, 22. 

i Cf. Montg. Carmichael in "Dublin Rev.," Ap., 
1903. " Irish Eccl. Rec.," March, 1904. 



Antecedents 39 

He sent them forth to preach the kingdom of 
God : " Do not possess gold, nor silver, nor money 
in your purses, nor two coats, nor shoes, nor a 
staff." 1 This was a new revelation to him. He 
now saw his ideal of poverty more clearly and 
fully, and he realized that it was the ideal 
of the Apostles when they set out to win the 
world to Christ. This impression strengthened 
him in his determination: he left the church, 
threw away with horror the little money which 
he had received in alms, discarded his staff and 
his shoes, put on the rough habit of the Umbrian 
peasant, with a cord around his waist, and began 
preaching penance, evangelical perfection, and 
above all, peace. "May God give you peace!" 
was his motto, his salutation, the beginning and 
the end of all his exhortations and discourses. 2 

He soon found disciples. "His language, 
simple, but inspired by the Holy Ghost, pene- 
trated to the heart and to the marrow, so that 
those that heard him were struck with admira- 
tion." 3 Bernardo of Quintavalle, the rich bur- 
gess of Assisi, and Pietro the canon, were the 
first to follow him. Though the ideal of Francis's 

1 Mat. x, 9, 10. 

2 1 Cel., 22, 23. 3 Soc, 25, 26. Bon., 26, 27. 

3 3 Soc, 25. 



40 History- 

life was already well defined, yet he wished to 
have a confirmation of it for the disciples who 
wished to join him: "We shall go to church," 
he said, " and seek in the Gospel what Our Lord 
has recommended to His disciples." 1 According 
to the custom of the time, Francis opened the 
book of the Gospel three times at random, to 
know what kind of life they should adopt. The 
first time he read this passage of St. Matthew: 
"If thou wilt be perfect, go, sell what thou hast, 
and give to the poor; and thou shalt have treas- 
ure in Heaven; and come, follow me." 2 The 
second time he found these words of St. Luke: 
"Take nothing for your journey; neither staff, 
nor scrip, nor bread, nor money; neither have 
two coats." 3 The third time he found the text 
of St. Matthew: "If any man will come after 
me, let him deny himself, and take up his cross, 
and follow me." 4 Francis was overwhelmed with 
joy: God had given him another proof that he 
and his disciples must live up to the apostolic 
ideal of poverty in order to reform the world. 
"Brethren," he said, "this will be our life and 

1 1 Cel., 24. 3 Soc.,-29. Bon., 28. 

2 Mat. xix, 21. 

3 Luc. ix, 3. 

1 Mat. xvi, 24. 



Antecedents 41 

our rule; it will be also the life and the rule of 
all those who will join our company." 1 

Brother Egidio and a few others soon joined 
the little company, and Francis sent them to 
begin the work of reform: "Consider, my dear 
brethren," he said to them, " the vocation to 
which God has called* you, not only for your 
own salvation, but for that of many, that we 
may go through the world, exhorting men by 
our example more than by our words to do 
penance for their sins, and to remember the com- 
mandments of God. Do not fear, though 
you be weak and ignorant," but announce 
penance simply, confiding in God who has con- 
quered the world, for His Spirit will speak in you 
and through your mouth, and will exhort all 
men to be converted and to keep His command- 
ments. You will find some men faithful, meek, 
and kind, who will receive you with joy and 
will hear your words. You will find others, and 
these far more numerous, who are unfaithful 
and proud; they will receive you with blas- 
phemies, they will resist you and what you say 
to them. Take, therefore, the resolution to sup- 
port everything with patience and humility. 
Then after some time many men will come to 

1 3 Soc, 29. 



42 History 

you, some of them noble and learned, and will 
go with you to preach to the kings, the princes, 
and the people, and many will return to God, 
who will multiply and increase His family in the 
entire world."* 

The preaching of the new apostles, if indeed 
it may be called preaching, was very simple. 
We are told that "The man of God did not 
properly preach to the people, but when passing 
through towns and castles, simply exhorted them 
to love God and fear Him, and to do penance 
for their sins. And Brother Egidio would tell 
his hearers to believe Francis because he gave 
them excellent counsel." 2 

The simplicity, poverty, childish joy, and enthu- 
siasm of Francis and his followers were interpreted 
differently by those who saw and heard them: 
some thought they were drunk or insane, others 
admired them, were touched and joined them. 

There was no ceremony of initiation, no novi- 
tiate for the recruits; they gave their goods to 
the poor, and having put on the peasant's tunic 
and the cord, they went wherever Francis sent 
them, to preach penance and peace. 3 

* 3 Soc, 36. 

2 3 Soc, 33. 

3 3 Soc, 27-33. 



Antecedents 43 

In spite of many failures and rebuffs, Francis 
had the most buoyant hopes for the future: the 
little company would accomplish its work for 
the reform of the world: "Be cheerful," he said 
to his followers; "be cheerful, and rejoice in the 
Lord. Let not your little number be to you a 
cause of sadness: God has revealed to me that 
He will deign to propagate throughout the world 
this family of which He is the Father. I would 
wish to be silent on what I have seen, but charity 
requires me to tell you. I have seen a great 
multitude of men coming to us, wishing to wear 
the habit of our company, and to follow the rule 
of our holy religion. The roads were filled 
with them. The French are coming, the Span- 
iards hasten to join us, the Germans and 
English are running, as well as an immense 
multitude from other countries. And even now 
the sounds of the footsteps of those who are 
coming and going where obedience calls them 
are ringing in my ears." 1 

From the beginning of his work of reform, 
Francis had sought advice from the bishop of 
Assisi. The latter one day remarked that such 
a perfect renouncement of all earthly goods was 
very hard: "My lord," answered Francis, "if we 

1 1 Cel., 27. 3 Soc, 36. 



44 History 

possessed anything, we would need arms to pro- 
tect ourselves. For, from possession arise diffi- 
culties and disputes which put obstacles of all 
kinds to the love of God and our neighbor. This 
is why we wish to possess nothing in this world." 
This answer pleased the bishop very much. 1 

But, as the little company increased in numbers 
and won success, Francis, as a most faithful 
son of the Church, wished to have the society 
approved by the Holy Father. The aim held 
up was the reform of the Christian world. 
Though approbation was not necessary at the 
time, 2 Francis thought that his great work 
should receive the blessing of the head of the 
Christian world. Having written a short rule, 
which has not reached us, but which his historians 
declare to have been composed mainly of words 
of the Gospel, he departed for Rome with his 
company, which at the time was composed of 
twelve members. 3 He reached Rome in 1209, 4 
Innocent III being Pope. When he saw Francis 
and his companions, and learned their plans, 
he was much less enthusiastic than they. The 

1 3 Soc, 35. Bern. Bess., "De laudibus," Cap. II. 
2 IV Counc. Lat. 1215. 

3 3 Soc, 46. Bon., 34, 35. 

4 or 1210, as Sabatier holds: "Vie de St. Francois 
d'Assise," 29th ed., p. 100. 



Antecedents 45 

Pope took time to consider the question before 
giving his approbation. 1 Francis was by no 
means discouraged by this first sign of opposition. 
He secured the influence of the bishop of Assisi, 
then at Rome, and of the Cardinal of Santo 
Paolo, and returned to the Pope with a beautiful 
allegory of Lady Poverty, abandoned by 
the world and cherished by him and his follow- 
ers. 2 Pope Innocent was won. He gave his oral 
approbation: "Go in the name of the Lord," 
he said to them, "and preach penance to all as 
the Lord will inspire you, and when the xllmighty 
will have increased your number, come to me 
again and I will do more for you and confide to 
you greater charges." 3 

It was only later, in 1223, that the company 
was definitely approved. But, from this time, 
1209, the reform movement assumed a character 
of its own and soon took an expansion which was 
little short of wonderful. 

1 1 Cel., 33. 3 Soc, 49. Bon., 35. 

2 II Cel., I, 11. 3 Soc, 47-50. Bon., 36, 37. 

3 1 Cel., 33; II Cel., I, 11. 3 Soc, 49, 52. 



CHAPTER II.— ACTIVITY IN SOCIAL 
REFORM. 

1. Means of Reform. 

2. Results. 

1. "l^THETHER Francis, in gathering around 
▼ V him a few disciples and in applying to 
Rome for the approbation of the little company, 
intended to found a monastic order or merely a 
lay association, is a matter of controversy. 1 
Perhaps the truth lies between the two extremes; 
and, if the fact is by no means clear in the 
legends of the saint and in his own words and 
actions, the reason may be that it was not yet 
clear in his own mind. As a matter of fact, 
either as a consequence of a reasoned plan, or 
by the force of circumstances, Francis founded 
both a monastic order and a lay association; or, 
to speak more correctly, he founded two monastic 
orders, — which, later, came to be called respect- 

1 Vogt, Muller, Sabatier, Lempp hold for the lay 
association. Hert£og, Mariano, and Catholic authors 
generally ; hold for the monastic order. 



Social Reform Activity 47 

ively the " Friars Minor" and the " Poor Clares," 
— and the "Third Order," now known by that 
name and which was properly the lay associa- 
tion. These became for him the means by 
which he carried out his reform. 

The first order included all those who, follow- 
ing in Francis's footsteps, were to be active 
workers in the field of reform. Each order had 
its own ideal, from which it received its char- 
acter, and through which it was distinguished 
from others. Poverty was to be not only the 
favorite virtue of Francis and his first disciples, 
but the profession and practice of all those who 
joined the order. Francis made it the test of 
vocations to the community of the "Poor Peni- 
tents," or "Minores," as they were called later. 
No one could be received into the order unless 
he had sold his goods and given the product to 
the poor: "Go your way, Brother Fly," he said 
to an applicant who had distributed his fortune 
to the members of his family; " you have not yet 
given up your home and your family; you have 
given your goods to your relatives and robbed 
the poor; you are not worthy to become the 
companion of the poor of Christ. You have 
begun by the flesh; it is a dangerous foundation 
for a spiritual edifice." 1 

1 Bon., 90. 



48 History 

Not only was every individual member bound 
to practise absolute poverty, but the communi- 
ties themselves, and the order as a whole, were 
not allowed to possess anything whatever. 1 It 
was the first religious order which, as a community, 
renounced the holding of property. In all other 
cases, though the individual religious did not 
possess property, the community could and did 
possess land, houses, and money. The 
"Minores," according to Francis's mind, were 
to own nothing beyond what satisfied the needs 
of the moment. 

Francis's aim in demanding from his disciples 
absolute poverty was to give a lesson to the world. 
He believed in the force of example, and told his 
brethren that it was their vocation to go through 
the world exhorting men, rather by example 
than by words, to do penance for their sins and 
to remember the precepts of the Lord. 2 He felt 
that the world could not behold this community 

1 "Opuscula S. P. Franc. Ass.:" Reg. la, Cap. viii; 
Reg. 2a, Cap. vi. These rules are called "prima" 
and "secunda" in the editions of St. Francis's works, 
though in fact one or several rules were written before, 
but are now lost. Cf. K. Miiller: "Die Anfange des 
Minoritenordens," p. 4 ff. 

Spec. Perf., Cap. 13. 

2 1 Cel., 29. 3 Soc, 36. 



Social Reform Activity 49 

in which the poverty of the members was equaled 
only by their charity and happiness, without 
realizing that other joys besides those supplied 
by fortune and power await those who seek them. 

Francis was not content with mere poverty; 
labor and poverty were abhorred by the world, 
and Francis, wished that his brethren, as well as 
the poor, should work, and thus give to the world 
an example of patience and happiness in poverty 
and labor. 1 

Preaching was naturally to be a means of 
propaganda; it was not the stiff, official, or 
scholastic preaching which was customary at 
that time, but rather popular appeals. 2 The 
desire of Francis was that his companions, 
preaching to the people and for the people, in 
the streets or fields as well as in churches, 
wherever men could be gathered together, 
should preach from the heart, should preach 
peace, charity, Christian happiness, employing 
simple, ordinary language understood by all. 3 
He gave his disciples the best examples of this 
popular preaching, when he took for his text the 

1 "Opuscula": Reg. la, Cap. vii; Reg. 2a, Cap. v. 
Testamentum. 

2 Lecoy de la Marche: "La Chaire Francaise au 
mo yen age." 

3 Reg. la, Cap. xvii; Reg. 2a, Cap. ix. 



50 History 

popular Italian proverb, "Tanto e il bene ch'io 
aspetto, ch'ogni pena m'e diletto;" 1 when he 
spoke to the young lords after the tournaments in 
the castle yard, or to the peasants after having 
shared in their work in the fields, or to the 
people of Grecio assembled around the " presepio" 
in which lay the "Bambino." 2 

Besides example and preaching, Francis 
demanded from the members of the first order 
the care of the lepers. In the beginning, the 
brethren lodged in the leper houses when on their 
travels through the country. 3 One of the chief 
duties of the followers of Francis was to visit, 
assist and console their " Christian brethren," 
as he called those unfortunates. 4 

The poor, the destitute, were to be the objects 
of the tenderest care on the part of the brethren. 
They were to be welcomed at all times in the 
houses of the " Minores," they were to find in their 
company a new family, to share the alms which the 
brothers received or the food which they earned 
by the labor of their hands. Francis desired to 

1 Actus B. Franc, et Soc, Cap. 9. 
2 1 CeL, 84-86. Bon., 149, 150. 

3 Spec. Perf., Cap. 58; Cf. also P. Sabatier's notes in 
Spec. Perf., pp. xxx, 25, 79, 

4 Spec. Perf., Cap. 58. 



Social Reform Activity 51 

form a community of poor men, — poor in reality 
and in sympathy. 1 

This, in brief, was the character of the first 
order which Francis instituted for the reform 
of the Christian world. But not all could join 
the first order, nor, on the other hand, were 
all satisfied with merely hearing the zealous 
sermons and admiring the example of the 
brothers. 

A second order, of which Clara was the first 
member, soon became a necessity and received 
a multitude of "Povere donne," who also prac- 
tised perfect poverty. 2 

But married people could not join either of 
these orders, and hence Francis was brought 
naturally, by the demands of his converts, to the 
idea of the Third Order. This was even more 
than the first an instrument of reform. 3 

The aim of the Third Order was, of course, 
eminently religious ; but its aim was more attain- 

1 1 Cel., 76. Bon., 94. Spec. Perf., Cap. 17, 20. 

2 1 Cel., 18. 3 Soc, 60. Bon., 46. Bern. Bess., 
Cap. 7. Reg. Stse. Clarae, Cap. 8. Cf. Lemmens: 
"Die Anfange des Clarissenordens " in "Romische 
Quartalschrift," T. XVI, p. 93 ss. Lempp: "Anfange 
des Clarissenordens" in "Zeitschrift fiir Kirchen= 
geschichte,' , T. XIII, p. 202 ss. 

3 3 Soc, 60. Bon., 46. 



52 History 

able by the multitude than that of tlie first and the 
second orders, nor did it require so active a 
part in the reform of the world. The rules of the 
first and second orders enjoined the observation 
of the Counsels; those of the Third Order 
enjoined only the observation of the Command- 
ments. The "Minores" were to go through the 
world to preach to all penance and peace; the 
" Fratres de Pcenitentia," as the members of the 
Third Order were called, were required to reform 
only themselves, and by their example, those 
with whom they were brought into immediate 
relation. But besides this religious object, there 
was a strong social feature in the constitution of 
the Third Order. 

The brethren were forbidden to carry offensive 
weapons, and to take solemn oaths; they were 
to contribute a monthly due to a common 
fund, and finally, to make their wills within three 
months after their admission into the order. 1 

These four articles, considered in their relation 
with the needs and evils of the time, contained 
in germ a whole social reform. The serfs were 
obliged, in order to secure a protection much 
needed at that epoch, to take an oath of alle- 

1 "Reg. ant. fratrum et sororum de Poen." Saba- 
tier's edition. Cap. 6, 7 and 10. 



Social Reform Activity 53 

giance to the lord; but the lord too often abused 
the right thus obtained over his subjects, and 
forced them to take part in petty quarrels which 
he had with his neighbors or his vassals : the first 
and second articles mentioned above obviated this 
evil. Another right which was often used and 
abused by the lord was that of seizing the goods of 
the serfs who died intestate : hence the clause of the 
rule of the Third Order requiring the mem- 
bers to write their wills. The other article 
aimed perhaps still further; this monthly fee 
was to bind together all the members of the Third 
Order, and to give them the strength of union 
in assisting each other in case of sickness, death, 
or poverty; but besides, whether intended or 
not, it was to supply the serfs with a fund from 
which they could obtain means to redeem them- 
selves from heavy services, or even to buy their 
freedom. 

2. It is to be regretted that documents con- 
cerning the reform work of Francis are scarce and 
incomplete. His first biographers, after the man- 
ner of the Middle Ages, see in him only the saint; 
his reform work is touched upon only inciden- 
tally. The best sources are the archives of the 
places where Francis preached, or where the 



54 History 

Franciscan influence was felt during the thir- 
teenth century. Some work has been done on 
these documents. However, more remains to 
be done, and no doubt it will be, as the 
movement in Franciscan literature seems to be 
only in its beginning. 

The first effect of the new movement was the 
infusion of a new spirit into the Christian world, 
and to this result both the first order and the 
Third Order contributed. 

"Within a few years from the foundation of the 
first order, at the Chapter of 1219, the "Minores" 
numbered about 5,000, and included all classes of 
men, "rich and poor, nobles and villains, pru- 
dent and simple, clerics and laymen." 1 This 
number alone shows how efficacious were the 
preaching and example of the first Franciscans. 
There can be no doubt that a much greater 
number, unable to leave the world, had been at 
that time converted by the brothers, and had 
returned to a life of penance, charity, and 
peace. 

The preamble and termination of all the exhor- 
tations of Francis and his companions was," May 

*I Cel., 31, 36. Bon., 52. Thorn, de Eccleston: 
"De adventu Fr. Min. in Ang." in"Monumenta Fran- 
ciscana." London, 1858, pp. 25, 26. 



Social Reform Activity 55 

the Lord give you His peace," — and this peace 
was often the result of their efforts. 

After a mission preached by Francis in Assisi 
the citizens of the town drew conjointly the char- 
ter which remains as a monument to the glory of 
the Reformer-Saint. It is said in this charter 
that between the "Majores" and the "Minores" 
of Assisi (i. e., lords and serfs) the following con- 
vention had been agreed upon: "Neither party 
will sign any treaty or pact with Pope, bishop, 
king, or any other, without the consent of the 
other party; they will live together in perfect 
harmony for the good of all," etc. 1 A few days 
before Francis's death, no longer able to preach, 
he converted, by a verse of poetry added to the 
"Cantico delle Creature" and sung by his 
brethren, the bishop and the mayor of Assisi, who 
embraced each other publicly and promised to 
live henceforward in peace and charity. 2 

A letter in the archives of the city of Bologna 
has the following on the occasion of the passing 
of Francis through the town: "At the close of 
his sermon, he spoke only of the extinction of 
hatreds and of the necessity of concluding 

1 Cristofani: "Delle Storie d'Assisi," Lib. II, p. 130, 
quoted by Le Monnier, Vol. I, p. 167. 

2 Spec. Perf., Cap. 101. 



56 History- 

treaties of peace and union. He converted noble- 
men whose boundless ferocity and unrestrained 
cruelty had made blood flow throughout the 
country, and among whom many became recon- 
ciled." 1 

What Francis did in his native town and in 
Bologna, he did also wherever he passed. Ascoli, 2 
Alviano, 3 Greccio, 4 Perugia, 5 Arrezzo, 6 and many 
other towns 7 saw their inhabitants reconciled 
and brought back to the practise of justice and 
charity under the powerful influence of our 
reformer. 

The personal influence of Francis was multi- 
plied many times by the action of his brothers, 
whom he sent to the different provinces and 
countries to propagate the work of reform. 

1 Sigonius: "De Episc. Bonon., " Lib. II, ad an. 1220, 
quoted by Le Monnier, Vol. I, p. 417. 

2 1 Cel., 62. 

»I Cel., 59. Bon., 175. 

4 II Cel, II, 5. 

5 II Cel., II, 6. 

e II Cel., Ill, 51. Bon., 83. Cf. Giotto's fresco in 
Assisi on the driving out of the devils from Arrezzo. 
Thode: "Franz v. Ass.," pp. 133-135. 

7 Like Toscanella, Gubbio, Citta de Castello, 
Bevagna, Gaeta, in which the historians of St. Francis 
tell us that he not only performed miracles, but 
obtained numberless conversions. Cf. I Cel., 62-70. 
Bon., 170-187. 



Social Reform Activity 57 

It is true, not all enjoyed the prestige of 
Francis, but all caine from Francis, they had 
embraced his life, they brought his letters, 1 his 
message of peace and happiness, and they were 
received as Francis himself. At the words of 
these apostles of love, men threw aside dissen- 
sions, hatreds, wars, and swore to practise the 
charity which Francis and his poor brothers 
practised so well, that they might also partici- 
pate in that joy which was characteristic of the 
Franciscan missionaries, and in the spiritual 
reward which they promised. 

The work which the "Minores" began, by 
their preaching and example, the Third Order 
continued and perfected. Men were converted 
to a better and more Christian life by the friars, 
and these conversions were not only sincere, but 
as a rule, lasting. Some joined either the first or the 
second order, but the majority, obliged to remain 
in the world, entered the Third Order, the main 
object of which was precisely, to foster the Chris- 
tian spirit of justice to all, of charity of the rich 
for the poor, and of patience and contentment 
in the poor themselves. 

1 "B. Franc. As. Opera," Epist. la and 2a, "ad 
universos Christi fideles;" 13a,"ad universosClericos;" 
15a, "ad populorum rectores." In the Quaracchi 
edition Ep. la and 4a. 



58 History 

To what extent the Third Order spread, and 
with it this Christian spirit, which was the 
foundation of Francis's social reform, we learn 
from a contemporary letter: "The Brothers 
Minor and the Preaching Friars have created 
two confraternities, to which all, men and women, 
rush, so that there can hardly be found a person 
who does not belong to one or the other." 1 The 
numerous bulls of the Popes, in favor of the 
members of the Third Order, point also to a won- 
derful development of this institution. 2 

If Tommaso di Celano could say, in the first 
years of Francis's reform work, that the appear- 
ance of the country had been changed under 
Francis's influence, 3 we may well imagine how, 
after the expansion of the movement through 
the activity of the first and third orders, a new 
spirit pervaded almost the whole Christian 
world, from England to Sicily, from Portugal to 
Hungary, and even as far as Palestine, Egypt, 
and Morocco. 

The infusion of this practical Christian spirit, 
by which charity and peace were restored to the 

1 Pierre des Vignes. Quoted by Le Mon., Vol. II, 
p. 10. 

2 Bullarmm Franciscanum, pp. 8, 19, 30, 39, 51, 65, 
etc. . . . 

3 1 Cel., 37. 



Social Reform Activity 59 

world, was certainly the main result of the 
reform movement originated by Francis; yet 
there is another result which, though more limited 
in extent, and beyond Francis's intention, had a 
great social and political importance. It is the 
share which the Franciscan movement had in 
the disappearance of the feudal system, particu- 
larly in Italy. 

We have seen the social and political nature 
of the four articles mentioned when speaking of 
the rule of the Third Order: these articles, if car- 
ried out, meant to a great extent the emancipation 
of the serfs. That the fact eventually took place 
is known chiefly from the bulls of Honorius III 
and Gregory IX. The struggle for liberty began 
during Francis's very life, and continued after 
him. 

On the 16th of December, 1221, Honorius 
III interfered in favor of the Tertiaries of 
Rimini. 1 The people of Rimini had joined 
the Third Order in great numbers, thus 
avoiding the oath and the military service to 
which the lords endeavored to subject them; 
the Sovereign Pontiff, in virtue of the Papal 
authority, ordered the lords not to molest men 
who belonged to a confraternity the members 

1 Bull. Franc, p. 8. 



60 History 

of which professed to lead a Christian life, a life 
of penance. 

It was like an inspiration to the rest of Italy, 
and a few years afterward, we learn from a contem- 
poraneous document — the letter of Pierre des 
Vignes already quoted — that almost all Italy be- 
longed to either the Franciscan or the Dominican 
Third Order. The lords tried by all means to 
retain their authority and their rights over their 
subjects, but to no avail. 

On June 25, 1227, Gregory IX, by a new bull, 
solemnly approved the Third Order, and declared 
again that its members were not liable to feudal 
oaths and military service. 1 

The lords made a last effort against the move- 
ment towards liberty; they appealed to previous 
oaths, put a tax on those who refused military 
service, refused the money offered in exchange 
for services, and tried to make the whole corpo- 
ration liable for the debts and delinquencies of 
individual members. Gregory IX again took 
the side of the people and insured them complete 
triumph. 2 There were still, after that, local 
troubles, which he and his second successor, 
Innocent IV, settled in every instance in favor 

1 Bull. Franc, p. 30. 

2 Bull. Franc, p. 39. 



Social Reform Activity 61 

of the Tertiaries; but the victory had been 
already won; the feudal system had been sapped 
in its very foundation, and the Italian de- 
mocracy had received a strength which was 
soon to render it victorious in its' conflict with 
Frederick II of Germany. 1 

While the Franciscan movement brought about 
a social revolution by the restoration of the 
Christian spirit and the emancipation of the 
serfs, it had also secondary effects which may not 
be overlooked. Francis's love for the poor, the 
sick, the lepers, has already been touched upon. 
This love was practical and efficient. Not only 
he, but all his followers, who were soon counted 
by thousands, and among whom were many 
who were noble and rich, gave up all they had to 
the poor. Not only did they distribute their own 
fortunes among them, but the product of their labor 
and the alms which they received also went 
largely to relieve the misery of the unfortunate. 
There is no doubt that, frequently perhaps, this 
relief was granted to unworthy, designing poor; 
yet it is evident that this displacement of wealth 
was on the whole beneficial. The Third Order had 

1 St. Francis has been called by Sabatier "The 
Father of Italian Democracy," in " Conferenze Dan- 
tesche," Vol. II, — and by Cristofani "The Patriarch 
of Religious Democracy," in "Storie d'Assisi,"!, p. 70. 



62 History 

also a common fund for the relief of poor mem- 
bers, and besides the spirit of solidarity which 
this institution fostered, and the good relations 
which it established between the rich and the 
poor, it practically relieved a great deal of 
misery, and at the same time paved the way 
for those beneficent "Monte di Pieta" which 
were organized two centuries later by the Fran- 
ciscans, and particularly by the blessed Ber- 
nardino di Feltre. 1 

Finally, the care of the sick and the lepers, 
most dear to Francis, was also an obligation of 
the Friars Minor, and was recommended to 
members of the Third Order. 2 

Leprosy was one of the scourges of Europe in 
the Middle Ages. It spread particularly at the 
time of the Crusades, and was at its height when 
Francis appeared. To the physical and moral 
sufferings of these unfortunates, who were con- 
demned to a slow and painful death, were added 
the shame of a condition which was looked upon 
as typical of sin, and the complete separation 
from the rest of mankind. After a ceremony 
which resembled very much the rites for the dead, 

1 Ludovic de Besse: "Le Bienheureux Bernardin de 
Feltre." Tours, 1902. 

2 1 Cel., 39, 103. Testam. B. Franc. Spec. Perf., 
Cap. 44, 58. 



Social Reform Activity 63 

the leper was led to the lazar-house or to the 
solitary little hut which was to be his dwelling- 
place for the rest of his life. Only at Easter- 
time was he allowed to leave this place and come 
to church; but even then he had to wear a special 
habit, he was obliged to warn passers-by of his 
presence by means of a rattle whose sound was 
abhorred by all ; only wide roads were allowed to 
him, and he could touch nothing which was used 
by others. 

As a rule, however, the lepers were not entirely 
abandoned. Their unfortunate lot excited the 
charity of the faithful, who rarely passed in front 
of their houses without dropping an offering 
into the wooden cup suspended before their doors, 
and the bishops were constituted their official pro- 
tectors. Besides, a few orders arose in the twelfth 
century for the care of the sick, like the "Poor 
of Christ," founded by Robert d'Arbrissel in the 
diocese of Rennes, the "Brothers Hospitallers" 
of St. Anthony and those of the Holy Ghost, 
founded in the South of France. 1 But these 
influences were only local and of limited scope. 
The work of Francis and his followers, on the 

1 Dr. Max Heimbucher : "Die Orden und Congrega- 
tionen der Katholischen Kirche." Paderborn, 1896. 
Ernest Lavisse: "Histoire de France," T. Ill, p. 357 S. 



64 History 

contrary, was, we may say, universal. They 
went through all the countries of Europe, and 
everywhere their first care, after the preaching 
of the* word of God, was given to the lepers. 
They lodged in the leper houses and there com- 
forted and assisted these unfortunate people, 
washed their wounds and dispensed to them all the 
tender cares which their quick sympathy for all 
sufferers would suggest. The towns, of which 
they were the missionaries and reformers, were 
also centers around which the lepers were most 
numerous: hence the Franciscans became the 
apostles of the lepers as well as of the towns. 1 

The members of the Third Order also were 
friends and protectors of the lepers. St. Louis, 
king of France, was accustomed to wash and 
dress their wounds with his own hands, and 
when dying, he desired that a part of his fortune 
should be consecrated to the building of two 
thousand leper houses. St. Elizabeth of Hungary 
and other members of the Third Order also gave 
immense sums for the relief of the lepers. 2 

The result of this care was evidently an 

1 "Monumenta Franc.,'' I, p. xxi ff. 

2 It is a constant tradition that both St. Louis and 
St. Elizabeth belonged to the Third Order. Cf. 
"Monum. Franc.," I, p. 543; "Anal. Franc," I, p. 257. 



Social Reform Activity 65 

improvement in the sanitary conditions of the 
leper houses and in the treatment of the disease, 
which was finally extirpated. The wave of 
sympathy for these unfortunates brought about 
greater charity between the different social 
classes, and contributed largely towards that 
reform of the Christian world of which Francis 
had dreamt, and which to some extent he real- 
ized. 



PART II 
THE CHARACTER OF ST. FRANCIS 



CHAPTER I.— FRANCIS THE SAINT. 

rpOMMASO DI CELANO, one of the first 
-*- historians of Francis, gives a detailed por- 
trait of him which serves well as an introduction 
to the study of his character. 

" Oh, how beautiful, how splendid, and how 
glorious was this countenance which reflected 
the innocence of his life, the purity of his heart, 
and on which could be continually read his burn- 
ing love for God and for his neighbor. His was 
truly an angelic appearance. Sweet in his man- 
ners, he was of a tranquil nature; affable in his 
discourse, his exhortations were appropriate; he 
was faithful in his charge, foreseeing in counsel, 
and effective in his transactions; gracious in all, 
he was ever serene in mind and tender in feeling; 
he was constant in contemplation, prompt in 
pardoning, and slow to anger; gifted with a won- 
derful memory, he was sharp in discussion, 
circumspect in choice, and yet simple in all. 
Strict towards himself, he displayed the utmost 
consideration for others. Simple and eloquent 
in his speech, he continually spent himself in the 



70 Character of St. Francis 

service of others, and far from being haughty in 
his demeanor, he showed himself cheerful and 
kind to all. 

"In stature he was a little above the middle 
size; his head was round and not too large; his 
face was oval and his features drawn ; his forehead 
was small and even; his eyes were of medium 
size, black and truthful; black hair, eyebrows 
straight, a nose fine, even and straight, ears 
erect and small, and flat temples, constituted the 
upper part of his countenance; his voice was 
vehement, sweet, clear, and sonorous; his teeth 
were closely set, even, and white, his lips small 
and thin; his slender neck was set on square 
shoulders, and his short arms ended in small 
hands with long fingers, the nails of which were 
projecting; his legs were slender and his feet 
small; his skin was thin and he was very lean; 
he was coarse in his attire, he slept little, and 
gave abundantly of the little he had; because 
he was most humble, he showed himself mild to all, 
and conforming himself to the customs of others, 
he surpassed the most holy in sanctity, and when 
among sinners considered himself as one of them." 1 

* I Cel., 83. Cf. Portraits of St. Francis; Thode: 
"Franz von Ass.," p. 59 ff. Bournet: "St. Francois 
d'Assise," p. 18 ff. 



Francis the Saint 71 

We may rely on this picture as fairly accurate, 
since it was written two years after Francis's 
death. The minute description of his physique 
reminds one of the typical inhabitant of Southern 
Europe. The moral characteristics are those 
of the saint, such as he appeared towards the 
end of his life, when his nature had been broken 
into subjection by constant ascetical practices, 
and by the cares and worry of a founder's life. 
The holiness and virtues of the gentle Francis 
were very important factors in the influence 
which he exercised over his contemporaries. 
One may not neglect them in any study of him. 

Francis is a canonized saint. The title Saint 
is universally applied to him, and it is as a saint 
that he is most securely fixed in the traditions 
of the Catholic Church. He was a saint before 
being a reformer. His love of God, and of every- 
thing which belongs to God, brought him to 
social reform. 

Francis never separated in his own mind those 
two objects: God and reform; to reform God's 
world was for him only a way of loving God. In 
his youth he could not refuse an alms when it 
was asked him in the name of God. Love of 
God was the principle which inspired all his 
activity, hence he could not see the needs of the 



72 Character of St. Francis 

world which God had created and be indifferent 
to them. 

His devotion to the person of Christ was most 
tender, and he had no other desire but to serve 
Him and bring all men to serve and love Him. 
He knew of no other reform but that of bring- 
ing back the Church to the purity of her first 
days, when she came immaculate and holy from 
the hands of her 'Founder. Hence he had taken 
the Apostles as models for himself and his fol- 
lowers. Their object was the same as that of the 
Apostles: the conversion of the world to the 
purity of Christ's ideal. 

Again, Francis had the greatest horror for sin. 
It was for him the only evil. In the same way 
as he saw no other society but the Christian 
Church, so also he saw no social evil other than 
sin. Reform meant only the ehmination of sin. 
Wars, dissensions, hatreds, violations of justice 
and charity, filled the world because of sin, and 
Francis set to work to bring peace, justice, 
charity, to establish the reign of virtue. 

The contemporaries of Francis loved and 
admired his holiness. It made him the hero of 
the people. When he appeared in Assisi after 
his conversion, changed in habits, in looks, in 
manners, his former friends were ashamed of 



Francis the Saint 73 

him, called him a fool, and threw mud and stones 
at him; 1 and in the first years of his preaching, 
though some men admired him and his com- 
panions, and were touched by their words, 
others thought they were drunk or insane. 
Young women fled at their approach, and young 
men seized them by the hood and carried them 
on their shoulders. 2 But the patience, humility 
and charity with which they met this rudeness, 
soon converted the hardest hearts, and it was 
not long before Francis became the idol of the 
Italian population. His travels through the 
country were like a triumphal march. "When 
he approached a town," says Tommaso di Celano, 
"the clergy rejoiced, the bells were rung, men 
exulted, women were filled with joy, children 
applauded; they often went to meet him in pro- 
cession, threw branches and flowers on the road 
on which he was to pass, and received him amidst 
the singing of hymns and universal jubilation." 3 
As he advanced in age, this popularity grew: 
' ' He is truly a saint, he is the friend of the Most 
High," they said. 4 They esteemed themselves 

*I Cel., 11. 3 Soc, 17. 

2 3 Soc, 34, 40. 

s I Cel., 62. 

* I Cel., 59. Bon., 175. 



74 Character of St. Francis 

happy if they could only touch his garment, and 
sometimes the crowd around him was so dense 
that he could hardly proceed. 1 

The popular belief in his power of continually 
performing miracles still further increased his 
prestige as a saint. The earliest records tell us 
that the birds of the air, the fishes of the sea, 
seemed to understand him and to love him; that 
fire ceased to burn at the sound of his gentle 
voice; that sickness, leprosy, even passion and 
vice, disappeared at his command. 2 The Italians 
of the thirteenth century, so full of faith, so 
impressed by the reality of the supernatural, could 
not fail to be won by the man of God, and they 
followed him, fascinated by his holiness and power. 

The student of the life of Francis should not 
fail to give due importance to this reputation for 
holiness which the saint enjoyed during his 
active career. The active, emotional, believing 
people, whose simple earnestness of faith dis- 
posed them to follow and obey those who rep- 
resented God, Christ, or who showed by their fives 
that they lived in the presence of God, readily 
gave power to Francis by their willing obedience. 

We may account for it as we will; historically 

* 1 Cel, 63. 

2 1 Cel., 63-70. Bon., 174-187. (Tract, de Mirac.) 



Francis the Saint 75 

it is a fact: the foundation of the power of 
Francis lay in his holiness and his reputation for 
sanctity. But, our purpose does not require the 
study of the process of life which brought him 
to the vivid consciousness of God. 1 

1 H. Joly: "Psychologie des Saints," 5th Ed., Paris, 
1898. E. Hello: "Studies in Saintship," St. Louis, 
1904. 



CHAPTER II.— CHARACTERISTICS OF 
MIND. 

1. The Emotional Man. 

2. The Enthusiastic Reformer. 

3. The Idealist. 

!• A MONG the saints, some were inclined to 
•**> sever relations with the world, and to live 
with God as exclusively as the limitations of 
life allowed. Few perhaps, have, more than 
Francis, lived with God and for God; at the same 
time, he never ceased to be interested in men. 
It has been said that he was the most human of 
all the saints. We would be tempted to add that 
he was the most human of all reformers. The 
reformer is sometimes taken up by an ideal, 
forgetting all else; his affections, his tastes, his 
sympathies for other interests disappear. 

It was not so with Francis; the saint and 
reformer always remained the man, with all the 
emotions, the sympathies, the love, and the 
gentle feelings of the most refined human nature. 



Characteristics of Mind 77 

Holiness did not destroy his tender affection 
for human nature, but rather elevated and 
sanctified it. His sympathies were not con- 
tracted by his reform work, as is so often the case 
with the modern reformer. There was nothing 
in the world, from the angels in heaven to the 
grass and rocks of the field, which was not the 
object of his love and admiration. 

Trained by a tender mother, in a country on 
which nature had lavished all her riches and 
beauties, at a time when love and pleasure 
alternated with bitter rivalries and wars, and 
when chivalry and profane poetry had intro- 
duced a spirit of gallantry and an exquisite 
sensibility, the young Francis's emotional 
nature developed to such an extent, that it 
remained unaffected by either the asceticism 
of the saint or the disappointments of the 
reformer. 

The love which, from his boyhood, he had for 
the poor, the sympathy which he felt for the 
lepers from the time of his conversion, could not 
but increase when he consecrated himself to their 
service. However, he kept unto the end his love 
for nature, for poetry, for chivalry, and for every- 
thing which appealed to the more tender senti- 
ments of the human soul. His heart was con- 



78 Character of St. Francis 

sumed by the passion of love. He loved God, 
he loved his dear poverty, his Lady Poverty, he 
loved men, particularly the poor, the weak, the 
sick, the unfortunate; but he also loved nature, 
irrational creatures, the birds and the fishes, 
the trees and the flowers, which were all his 
brothers and his sisters. 

This love for God, and for everything which 
came from God, brought him to social reform. 
Francis saw the world from God's point of view; 
all was good because all came from God. "And 
God saw that it was good." 1 Only one creature 
broke this beautiful harmony : man disturbed the 
general equilibrium. He did not return to God 
the praises due; he had forgotten his Creator; 
man was himself divided, — one nation at war 
against another, one . class striving against 
another, the rich against the poor, the poor 
against the rich. There was no unity, no har- 
mony, no beauty in the human world,- and 
Francis set to work to repair the world of God 
and reestablish the lost harmony on the model 
of the Apostolic Church. As social reformer, 
he never ceased to be at heart a true artist, a 
man keenly alive to the sense of harmony, of 

1 Gen. i. Cf. the idea of moral harmony in man 
in St. Bernard and St. Thomas Aquinas. 



Characteristics of Mind 79 

beauty in the world; but more particularly in 
the world of men, in the Christian world, which 
he tried to bring back to its proper harmony 
with God the Creator. 

Francis was a poet as well as an artist — he loved 
poetry, and favored the cultivation of its spirit 
in his community; he wrote it 1 and used it as a 
means of social reform, a means which in that 
imaginative age often proved very effective. 

The sympathy of Francis for nature, his 
mystical contemplation of the world of God, his 
understanding of the harmonies of the universe, 
his burning love for all that came from God, 
could not fail to reveal themselves in poetic 
conceptions and poetic expressions. Tommaso 
di Celano tells us that he invited all beings, " the 
rivers and the seas, the mountains and the val- 
leys, men and angels, to praise their Maker, and 
he remained in the center of this concert like an 
inspired musician, summing up in his heart all 
the sublime harmonies, to offer them up in 
burning adorations to Him who is the source 
of all harmony and all beauty." 2 

1 Cf. A. F. Ozanam: "Les Poetes Franciscains en 
Italie au treizieme siecle." Goerres: "Der heil. 
Franciscus v. Ass., ein Troubadour." 

2 1 Cel., 80, 81. 



80 Character of St. Francis 

It was in one of these moments of poetic fervor 
that Francis composed the famous Canticle of 
Creatures : 

"Altissimo omnipotente bon Signore, 

"Tue son laude." 1 

Francis called himself an illiterate man, and 
though his humility may have exaggerated the 
sense of his limitations in learning, yet we know 
that in his youth he never studied with great 
ardor, and that, in the first years of the founda- 
tion of his order, he made very little of science. 
But we never find any such slighting opinion of 
poetry. On the contrary, he always cultivated 
it, honored poets, received them into his order 
with the greatest welcome, and encouraged them 
in the practice of their art. We know that 
Brother Pacificus, the "King of verses," was a 
favorite friend of Francis, and that probably he 
retouched much of the saint's poetic compo- 
sitions. 2 

* " B. P. Franc. Ass. Op." Spec. Perf ., Cap. 120. Cf. 
also music and poetry which he composed for the 
Poor Clares: Spec. Perf., Cap. 90. Cf. also C. Zac- 
chetti: "Francesco d'Assisi e le Laudes Creatura- 
rum." Assisi, 1904. 

2 Bon., 50, 51. Spec. Perf., p. 108, note 2. Ozanam: 
"Les Poetes Franc," pp. 107-109. Mon. Germ., 
v. 22. 



Characteristics of Mind 81 

Francis relied on poetry in his reform work: 
his brethren were to learn his poetic strains and 
recite them, like the troubadours and the jong- 
leurs, on the streets, on the roads, on the public 
squares, to excite all to praise the Lord. "The 
most eloquent among them should preach to the 
people, and after the sermon all should sing the 
'Laudes Domini' as the jongleurs of the Lord. 
Then after the singing of the 'Laudes,' the 
preacher should say to the people: 'We are 
the jongleurs of the Lord, and for this we wish to 
be rewarded by you; the reward shall be that 
you should do penance,' " — and St. Francis added: 
"What are indeed the servants of God but His 
jongleurs, who must raise their hearts to Him and 
fill them with spiritual joy." 1 This troubadour 
way of preaching the word of God could not fail 
to affect the souls of the romantic contempo- 
raries of Francis. 

The sentiments which he expressed in verse 
touched the heart and converted it in a way 
which directly promoted social peace. No other 
object was nearer to his heart. On the occa- 
sion of reconciliation between the bishop and the 
mayor of Assisi, he merely composed a few 
appropriate verses and ordered some of his 

1 Spec. Perf., Cap. 100. 



82 Character of St. Francis 

brethren to go and sing in chorus, before the 
bishop and the officers of the town, the Canticle 
of the "Laudes Domini," with the addition of 
the new strain. Peace was immediately arranged. 

The artistic and poetic nature of Francis was 
deeply imbued with the chivalric spirit of the 
time, and this feature of his character is also 
closely connected with his reform work and has 
left its imprint on the Franciscan movement of 
the thirteenth century. 

The institution of chivalry blended religion 
and military valor with the finest feelings of 
human nature. It had reached its highest devel- 
opment in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. 
In Francis's time the armies of Europe and the 
military orders still offered to the world the 
example of courageous, fearless knights, ready to 
offer their lives for the sake of their religion and 
their God; but the finer feelings in chivalry, its 
sweet devotion to the poor, to the weak, to the 
widows, to the orphans, its veneration for woman, 
its amiable and poetic language, its courtesy, — 
to use a word which, derived from the manners 
of the feudal courts, expresses well the outward 
manifestation of sweet, kind, generous sentiments, 
— had almost disappeared. 1 

! Leon Gauthier: "La Chevalerie, " Paris, s. d. 



Characteristics of Mind 83 

Francis was of a chivalric character before his 
conversion: his ambition was to become a knight, 
and he had not only the brave, generous self-sacri- 
ficing spirit of the ideal knight, but also his gentle- 
ness, amiability, tenderness, and sympathy for 
the weak, the poor, the infirm. 1 When he entered 
upon the new fife, he did not cease to be a true 
knight. He embraced the new career as a knight 
would espouse a great and noble cause in which 
his valor and generosity were to be put to severe 
test. His historian, Tommaso di Celano, calls 
him constantly, "the soldier of Christ." 2 The 
conversion of the Church and the social reform 
which he contemplated, appeared to him as 
a chivalric enterprise. 3 His followers were his 
knights, or rather the knights of God. When 
Brother Egidio begged him to be admitted into 
the order: "Brother," Francis answered, "you 
ask the Lord to receive you as His servant and 
His knight. This is no small favor. If the 
emperor were passing through Assisi, and if he were 
pleased to select a favorite, everyone would say, 
'Pray Heaven it may be I.' How much more 
ought you to bless the great King of heaven for 

1 Cf. for instance Spec. Perf., Cap. 27-39. 
2 1 Cel., 9, 36, 72, etc. . . . 

3 Spec. Perf., p. xxix: "La reforme de l'Eglise lui 
apparait comme une sorte de chevauchee epique." 



84 Character of St. Francis 

having cast His eyes upon you?" 1 Later he was 
accustomed to say, in his chivalric style, that 
"Egidio was one of his paladins of the Round 
Table." 2 In fact, this is the title which he gave 
to all his disciples: "These are my brothers, 
soldiers of the Round Table. The reward of 
their merits and of their works is the eternal 
kingdom which they have conquered by the 
violence of their humility, their simplicity, their 
prayers, and their tears." 3 Only with difficulty 
could one find a more natural or attractive com- 
bination of the religious and the chivalric spirit. 
To a novice who requested the permission to have 
a psalter, he answered again in his chivalric 
style: "Charles the Emperor and Roland and 
Oliver, and all the paladins, and all the robust 
heroes who were powerful on the battle-field, 
pursuing the heathens, sparing neither sweat 
nor labor, even unto death, conquered their 
enemies, and the holy martyrs themselves have 
died in the fists for Christ's faith. But now, 
there are many who are satisfied with reading 
the narration of their deeds and expect to receive 
honor and human praise." 4 

1 Acta Sanct., Ap. 23, de B. (Egidio, Cap. I, 2. 

2 Id. Cap. II, 9. 

3 Spec. Perf., Cap. 72. 
* Spec. Perf., Cap. 4. 



Characteristics of Mind 85 

His constant effort was to infuse into his 
disciples not only courage, but also affectionate 
sympathy for the weak, for the wronged, for all 
those who suffer — traits which had been the 
noblest ornament of chivalry. 

He introduced into his order and into religion 
itself the tender human emotions, the sweet 
human love which, with Francis, from profane, 
became sanctified by being directed to the 
holiest and noblest objects of religion. 

There was no chivalry without the "Lady"; 
the true knight always had his lady to 
whom he consecrated himself; he would go 
about in quest of adventures for the honor 
of his lady, whose beauty and perfections 
he wished to be known and admired by the 
entire world. The knight Francis could not 
fail to have his lady. She is the noblest, the 
richest, the fairest maiden whom men ever saw. 1 
But it is poverty which will be during all his life 
the lady of his thoughts, the lady of his heart, 
his spouse whom he loves above all things. For 
her he will go about the world and proclaim 
everywhere her beauty and glory. She has been 
neglected, forgotten, abandoned by the world; 
but now the world must know her again, love her 

»I CeL, 7; n Cel., Ill, 1. 3 Soc, 7. 



86 Character of St. Francis 

and embrace her. She is all beautiful and the 
kings fall in love with her. To her Francis has 
vowed an eternal love, and it will be the first duty 
of his followers to love her and sing her grandeur. * 
There is nothing more chivalric, more poetic, 
and, at the same time, more tender and sweet 
than the prayer of Francis in favor of Lady 
Poverty: "She was in the crib, and, like a faithful 
squire, she remained well armed at your side 
during the great battle which you have waged 
for our redemption. In your Passion she alone 
has not abandoned you. Mary, your Mother, 
remained at the foot of the cross; but Poverty 
ascended with you the wood of the cross and 
pressed you to her bosom to the end. . . . 
She, attentive spouse, when you died with thirst, 
prepared for you the gall which you drank. 
You have expired in her sweet embrace . . . 
etc."* 

1 S Soc, 50. Cf. " Commercium B. Franc, cum 
Domina Paupertate." 

2 "B. P. Franc. Ass. Opera." This prayer is 
regarded as spurious by many authors and has been 
left out of the Quaracchi edition of St. Francis's 
works. However, all admit that it represents perfectly 
the spirit of St. Francis. Cf. also Giotto's fresco: 
Francis placing the ring on the finger of his bride, 
Poverty; Thode, p. 480 ff. Dante: "Paradise," Cant. 
xi, lines 28-1^3. Montgomery CarmichaeU "Lady 
Poverty. " 



Characteristics of Mind 87 

These same sentiments are found in all the 
religious and mystical poetry of Francis and his 
followers, in the "In foco 1'amor mi mise," in 
the "Amor di Caritate," and many others 
belonging to the early Franciscan school. In 
all of them we see the sweetest love, the tender- 
est emotions of human nature as well as the refine- 
ment, the gallantry of that chivalry which, under 
the influence of the emotional, poetic and 
chivalric Francis, came then to the service of 
religion, and remained for a long time charac- 
teristic of the Franciscan movement, and to a 
great extent, of the Italian religious spirit. 1 

2. Francis was a man of great ideals. He 
was a true and loving friend of the poor and all 
who suffered; he had all the chivalric sentiments 
of a knight. He was a poet, and in the real 
sense of the word, an artist. These varied powers 
were fused by a great enthusiasm which added 
immensely to his influence. This enthusiasm 
reveals itself from the very boyhood of Francis. 

*Cf. E. Gebhart: "Italie Mystique," Paris, 1899, 
pp. II, 136. "Love of the Saints," in"Contemp. Rev.," 
Vol. 67, p. 499. F. Ozanam: "Les Poetes Francis- 
cains/' Cf. also in connection with this the charges 
of "sensual devotion" (Michelet, III, 116), "religious 
erotics" (Bournet, p. 57), and "Mariolatry" (B. F. 
Westcott, in "Social Aspects of Christianity," p. 111). 



88 Character of St. Francis 

In his youth he abandoned himself with great 
ardor to pleasures and society. Later, war for 
liberty engaged him. A long stay in the dun- 
geons of Perugia failed to dampen the enthusiasm 
which surprised and even scandalized his com- 
panions in misfortune: "Ah, you are sur- 
prised," he answers; "do you not know that I 
shall be adored by the whole world?" 1 With the 
same enthusiasm he left Assisi to join the 
brave Gauthier de Brienne, the protector of the 
rights of the Holy See, the hero of Capua, of 
Canne, whose name alone made all hearts 
thrill with admiration. To fight for the rights of 
the Roman Pontiff, to war against the invaders of 
his native country, to win for himself a name on 
the battle-field, to deserve perhaps one day the 
honors of knighthood, to receive maybe his 
knight's sword from the very hands of the hero 
Gauthier de Brienne, was a great prospect which 
Francis embraced eagerly, convinced that he 
"will now become a great prince." 2 With the 
same ardor he returned to Assisi only a few days 
later: "I will stay in my own country," he says, 
"and here I will accomplish grand and noble 
things." 

> II Cel., I, 1. 3Soc.,4. 

2 1 Cel., 4; II Cel., I, 2. 3 Soc, 5. Bon., 9, 10. 



Characteristics of Mind 89 

The eagerness with which he consecrated him- 
self to the reconstruction of the church of Santo 
Damiano, adopted the life of the Apostles on 
hearing the Gospel of the Feast of St. Matthias 
at Santa Maria degli Angeli, preached to the people 
of Assisi and recruited his first companions, 
shows that his native enthusiasm had only 
increased under the influence of a higher and 
nobler ideal. A strong conviction had taken 
hold of his mind: the Church of God needed 
reform; he would accomplish this reform by 
bringing back the Church to the purity of its 
first days. This became the great object of 
his fife. No difficulty could hinder him ; in fact 
the difficulties which he met, — the tender 
reproaches of his mother, the severe and cruel 
action of his father, the jeers and scorn of his 
friends, the persecutions to which he and his 
companions were subjected during their first 
missionary travels, the divisions among his 
brethren, and later, the opposition of some of the 
highest members of the order, — all these, how- 
ever deeply felt by his sensitive nature, did not 
deter him from his object. They became new 
incentives to redoubled efforts in the work of 
reform. 

When we consider that the active life of St. 



90 Character of St. Francis 

Francis embraced only seventeen years (1209- 
1226), that during this short time he traveled 
through most European countries and through 
Egypt and Palestine, that he founded and 
directed the first order of the "Minores," the second 
order of the Poor Ladies, and the Third Order, in 
which all classes were united by a common rule 
and uniform life; when we recall that these 
orders had, by the time of Francis's death, spread 
in all countries then known, and counted thou- 
sands of members in each country, — we may 
well be struck with astonishment at the immense 
activity displayed by the wonderful poor man 
of Assisi. 

This activity, particularly during the first 
years of his missionary life, was accompanied 
by an intense and childlike joy, which sprung 
from his very passion for poverty and for the 
reform which he preached. This joy became 
characteristic of the Franciscan reform move- 
ment, and was one of its elements of strength. 
"To the devil and his followers belongs sadness, 
to us joy and happiness in the Lord," 1 he said 
to his brothers, and he made it a point of his rule 
of 1221, that they "should be careful not to show 

i II Cel., Ill, 65. Spec. Perf., Cap. 95. 



Characteristics of Mind 91 

themselves sad and dejected, but rejoicing in the 
Lord, happy and courteous." 1 

In fact, for Francis, this joy was more than the 
mere external outburst of an exalted state of 
mind; it was a condition of success; the world 
can not be reformed by sadness and melancholy, 
and "a joyful disposition has sometimes more 
influence on men than the good actions them- 
selves; if a good action is not done fervently and 
joyfully, it rather causes sadness than incites to 
do good." 2 

The disciples of Francis, faithful to the lessons 
of their master, imitated him so faithfully that 
Franciscan cheerfulness became proverbial. Liv- 
ing in a wooden house in Stinking Lane, Newgate 
Street, one of the most miserable and offensive 
quarters of London, and clinging together to 
warm themselves ; or traveling through Germany, 
where the rude inhabitants with cruel levity 
stripped them of their clothes; or seized by the 
ferocious Saracens and thrown into dark cellars 
from which they were to go out only to be led to 
death, — everywhere they showed themselves to 

1 Reg. la, Cap. vii. II Cel., Ill, 68. Spec. Perf., 
Cap. 25, 95, 96. Cf. also P. Sabatier's note in Spec. 
Perf., p. 190. 

2 Spec. Perf., Cap. 96. 



92 Character of St. Francis 

be happy and cheerful. 1 Egidio, one of the 
favorite disciples of Francis, would "kiss the 
grass, the stones, and other things of this kind 
for very joy." 2 Poor with the poor, courteous 
with the rich, respectful toward ecclesiastics 
and princes, they made themselves all to all, 
adapting themselves to all circumstances, and 
spreading everywhere joy and contentment. 
People had never seen anything like these monks. 
Traveling barefoot, working at the different 
trades and in the fields, eating with their fellow- 
laborers, conversing with them, singing for them, 
begging when they had nothing to eat, and always 
happy and cheerful, — this was indeed a novelty 
in the Church, and quite a contrast with the rich, 
silent, and stern Benedictines, who were seldom 
seen outside of their monasteries. People began 
to realize that there is happiness outside of 
riches, outside of power, outside of worldly 
pleasures; that there is happiness in poverty, in 
suffering, in tears, in persecution. They had 
heard the Sermon on the Mount read to them 

1 Jordanus de Giano: "Chronica," in Anal. Franc, 
I, n. 27, p. 10. Glasberger: "Chronica," in Anal. 
Franc, II, p. 13. Wadding, T. I, an. 1216, n. ix. 
Brewer: "Monum. Franc," Vol. I, p. xvii ff. 

2 Spec Perf., Cap. 96. Acta Sanct., Ap. 23, Tom. 
Ill, p. 227. 



Characteristics of Mind 93 

perhaps — " Blessed are the poor . . . blessed 
are those who suffer. . . ." — but the truth 
of these words had never come home to them 
until they saw the poor Franciscans. It was a 
revelation to them, and a revelation w T hich con- 
tained the germ not only of a religious but of 
a social reform as well. 1 

3. The emotional, enthusiastic, exalted nature 
of Francis indicates a great development of the 
imaginative faculties, which fact led some histori- 
ans and psychologists to express doubt regarding 
his sanity. Some have made him a mere vision- 
ary, 2 others a fanatic, 3 others an altruistic luna- 

i II Cel., Ill, 65-68. The Perfect Joy: "Actus B. 
Franc," Cap. 7, and "Fioretti," Cap. 8. The 
following quotation of Renan is to the point: 
"L'humanite, pour porter son fardeau, a besoin de 
eroire qu'elle n'est pas completement payee par son 
salaire. Le plus grand service qu'on puisse lui rendre 
est de lui repeter souvent qu'elle ne vit pas seulement 
de pain." "Vie de Jesus," 12eme edition, 1864, p. 184. 

2 Petrus Pomponatius, Cornelius Agrippa, Giordano 
Bruno in sixteenth century. Also all free thinkers 
who attribute the stigmata to an overheated imagina- 
tion. Cf. Imbert-Gourbeyre : "L'hypnotisme et la so- 
matization." Paris, 1899. 

3 Neander: "History of the Christian Church," 
Eng. ed., Vol. iv, p. 273 ff. 



94 Character of St. Francis 

tic 1 or a gentle fool. 2 Indeed there was little 
reasoning in Francis. Emerson relates the meet- 
ing of Abul Khain, the mystic, and Abu Ali 
Seena, the philosopher, and tells us that on 
parting, the philosopher said, "All that he sees, I 
know," and the mystic said, "All that he knows, 
I see." Francis saw things more than he under- 
stood them: he saw poverty, his ideal; it was 
always present before his mind, like a most 
beautiful picture. It was not for him the result 
of a dogmatic or logical process, it was an intu- 
ition. 

From the day when he had heard read in the 
church of Santa Maria degli Angeli the Gospel nar- 
rative telling how the Apostles, on the counsel of 
Our Lord, embraced a life of poverty, to his last 
moments, when he wished to be put naked on 
the floor, in order to imitate the poverty of Our 
Lord dying naked on the cross, he never ceased 
to have his eyes fixed on this cherished ideal. 

1 Aug. Comte. Cf. the medical studies on St. 
Francis by Cotelle (p. 157) and Bournet (p. 101) . 

2 Henry Hallam: "View of the state of Europe 
during M. A.," 9th edition, London, 1846, Vol. II, in 
which he calls Francis "a harmless enthusiast . . . 
hardly of sane mind." E. Renan: "Nouvelles etudes 
religieuses," 1884, pp. 325, 336, "un acces de charmante 
folie." 



Characteristics of Mind 95 

He saw poverty as no one outside of his school, 
perhaps, ever saw it before, or since. 

Many others have voluntarily joined the ranks 
of the poor of Christ; they have given their goods 
to the poor, in order to be poor themselves; or 
they have embraced religious poverty, renouncing 
every desire to possess the goods of this world; 
but for these poverty was a means, not an end. 
The danger in riches led some to make the sacri- 
fice of material goods in order to protect their 
spiritual interests. Others have seen in this 
sacrifice a guarantee of humility, mortification, 
confidence in divine Providence. Others again 
have been struck by the words of Our Lord in His 
Sermon on the Mount: "Blessed are the poor in 
spirit: for theirs is the kingdom of heaven," 1 
and to gain the kingdom of heaven they have 
renounced the satisfactions of this fife. 

Reformers have adopted poverty as a condition, 
or even as a means, of social reform. By their 
doctrine and example they condemned the 
abuses caused by the possession of excessive 
riches, and exhorted the rich to live a simpler 
and more Christian life, the poor to bear with 
patience and even with joy the state in which 
Providence had placed them. 

1 Mat. v. 3. 



96 Character of St. Francis 

In Francis the process of mind was much 
simpler. It is true, for him poverty was a means 
of personal sanctification and of reform; 1 but it 
was far more than that. It was for him what 
an axiom, an evident truth is for us. It was 
a concrete fact, always present before his 
mind; he saw it and loved it. He loved it 
for itself, not only as a means, but as an 
end. Regardless of its personal and social 
advantages, poverty was for Francis an all- 
sufficient ideal: to contemplate, to love, to realize 
in himself and in others this beautiful ideal, 
would have been ample reward for him. For 
Francis poverty was not a privation, a sacrifice; 
but a treasure, a priceless pearl, which can not 
but be cherished for its very beauty. 2 His mind 
was filled with the beauty of the ideal, rather 
than with the distress of actual poverty. Poverty 
was dear to him, no matter where it came from, 
or in whom it was found. His brethren were 
often inclined to distinguish between poor and 
poor, as we do to-day. But Francis did not 
discriminate between causes, merits, and effects 
in poverty. Francis was an idealist and poverty 
was his ideal. 

1 II Cel., Ill, 17, 23. 

2 II Cel., Ill, 1-29. Bon., 88. Actus B. Franc, 
and Fioretti, Cap. 13- 



Characteristics of Mind 97 

The idealist, be he painter, poet, or reformer, 
proceeds by abstractions. The ideal which he 
has formed for himself may have its foundation 
in reality, but it is not the whole reality. All 
that may mar the beautiful picture is carefully 
left out. In fact there is no imitative art with- 
out a process of idealization. The painter who 
would attempt to reproduce in his landscape 
all details without discrimination, might well 
meet with failure, and the writer, if too realistic, 
may often offend the honest and delicate reader. 
The artist makes a careful selection, brings into 
light one order of facts or certain aspects of the 
reality which he wishes to represent. His ideal 
is not a mere fact, as found in nature, a reality 
pure and simple, but a fact divested of its 
grosser and less refined elements. Francis, an 
idealist, an artist, did not see poverty as we 
common mortals see it, caused by vice, intem- 
perance, laziness; he did not see the poverty of 
the slums accompanied by filth and misery, re- 
sulting in despair, crime, suicide. In Francis's 
mind all these elements had unconsciously disap- 
peared into the background. There remained 
one beautiful, idealized figure, the poverty em- 
braced by Christ and His Apostles; the poverty 
abandoned, despised by an unchristian world, 



98 Character of St. Francis 

but dear to a follower of Christ and of the 
Apostles. 

Francis did not possess a speculative mind; 
we find in him no taste for science and learning; 
he saw everything in concrete images; in the 
same way he pictured poverty to his imagination, 
as a natural living being. So also, he gave a 
sensible form to religion, to the Church and to 
everything more or less abstract. Religion for 
him was nothing else but Christ, the Babe of 
Bethlehem and his " sweet Mother Mary," and 
the saints. The Church appeared to him in the 
person of the Holy Father, the bishops and 
the priests. What he knew of the need of 
reform in the Christian world was nothing other 
than a keenly felt contrast between Christ and 
the Christian of his time; Christ poor, humble, 
loving, suffering; the Christian of Francis's 
time greedy, proud, selfish, bent on pleasure. 
The Apostles, by their preaching and their ex- 
amples had transformed the world, and Francis 
saw no one who would follow the Apostles, 
imitate their virtues, their poverty, their zeal, 
and save the world. 

A more philosophical mind might have mini- 
mized the evil, attributed it to circumstances 
which time would soon alter, studied the need 



Characteristics of Mind 99 

of the age, tried to adapt the remedies used by 
Christ and the Apostles to the changed con- 
ditions of mankind. No such process takes place 
in Francis's mind. Christ, the Apostles, poverty, 
came to him as a commanding vision. Christ 
had said to His Apostles : " Take nothing for your 
journey; neither staff, nor scrip, nor money, nor 
bread; neither have two coats." For Francis 
there is no compromise. These words of the 
Gospel are to be taken literally, and neither he 
nor his disciples will have staff or scrip or money 
or bread or two coats. 

Many did not understand him; they derided 
his mode of life and his practices. Many of the 
most eminent men of the time opposed him. 
He had no eyes but for his cherished ideal, for 
the ideal of Christ and His Apostles; he had no 
ears but for the voice of God manifested to him 
in the Gospel and in his frequent intercourse 
with God. He was insensible to all else, — not only 
to mockery and opposition, but to honors as well. 
His faculties were so much taken up with guard- 
ing his work, that purely human events made no 
impression upon him. Sometimes he seemed to 
be, as it were, unconscious of the excitement 
which his presence alone caused among the people. 
One day, toward the end of Ms life, as he was 



100 Character of St. Francis 

passing through Borgo San Sepolcro, a consider- 
able crowd soon gathered to see him. A thou- 
sand persons touched him, pushed him, pulled 
him in every manner; he was insensible to all 
this; like an inanimate body, he saw nothing, 
heard nothing of what was going on around him. 
The travelers were already far from the town, 
the crowd had disappeared, when Francis, as if 
descending from a better world, inquired of his 
companions whether they would soon reach 
Borgo San Sepolcro. 

A mystic, an idealist, Francis was also a sym- 
bolist, — a feature of his character which may be 
counted as one of the factors of his success. 

The people of that epoch were not philosophers, 
but rather poets. In the thirteenth century the 
simple people saw nothing simply as it was; 
every creature was the symbol of something 
higher. 

The imaginative Francis fully shared this 
characteristic of the age; for him also, all outward 
things had an inner symbolic meaning. He 
understood things best by analogies taken from 
the material world. The poor represented to 
him Christ Himself; to rebuke the poor was to 
rebuke Christ, and to love them was to love 
Christ. The doves represented purity, and he 



Characteristics of Mind 101 

would protect them as his chaste " sisters." He 
could not see a lamb without thinking of the 
meekness and obedience of Christ. On his 
way to the Sultan's camp, meeting two sheep, 
he said immediately to his companion: "My 
brother, trust in the Lord. The word of the 
Gospel is realized in us: Behold, I send you 
forth as sheep in the midst of wolves." He would 
pick up carefully the letters which he found on 
the road, because he said they may form the 
name of Jesus. 1 It was also by symbols that 
Francis spoke to those around him, taught his 
novices and exercised his influence on the crowds. 
When he divested himself of his clothes before 
vhis father and the crowd which assisted at the 
judgment, this symbolic action made a deeper 
impression than a long discourse would have 
done. 2 When he ordered a brother to put a 
rope around his neck, and drag him half-naked 
to the place where criminals were executed, and 
to step on his prostrate form, he moved the people 
around him to compunction and to tears J 
Another time, seeing Brother Elia wearing a 
habit of a finer material than was the custom 

1 1 Cel., 80-82. 

2 1 Cel., 15; II Cel., I, 7. 3 Soc.,19, 20. Bon., 20 

* Bon., 73. 



102 Character of St. Francis 

in the order, he asked him to lend him this habit. 
Elia did not dare to refuse, and gave it to him. 
Francis put it on, adjusted it carefully, and then 
walked around the room like a lord. Looking 
down on the brothers who were there, he said 
with a majestic air, " God have you in His keep- 
ing, my good people;" then suddenly taldng on a 
serious air, he threw off this habit, and said to 
Elia, "That is how the false brothers of our 
order walk." Then resuming his humble and 
natural gait, "This," he said, "is how the real 
Friars Minor walk." 1 

We may well imagine how this symbolic way 
of acting and speaking impressed a people already 
inclined to see in everything the image and symbol 
of a great duty, of an important truth, of a super- 
natural fact. They had found in Francis a 
leader who thought like them, who understood 
them, and whom they understood. Not only 
did he put before their eyes an ideal which satis- 
fied their longings and their best aspirations, 
but he presented this ideal to them in the way 
most calculated to make a deep and lasting im- 
pression. 2 

1 Speculum Vitse, 181. This narrative is not found 
in the early legends of the saint. 

2 Cf . in connection with this : Symbolism in Francis- 
can Churches. Ruskin: "Mornings in Florence." 



CHAPTER III.— ST. FRANCIS AS A 
LEADER. 

1. Confidence in His Mission. 

2. Personal Influence. 

3. Francis as an Organizer. 

4. The Catholic Reformer. 

1. A FACT which can not fail to strike the read- 
-^*- ers of the first legends of St. Francis, 
is the conviction which he had of a divine 
mission confided to him, and the consequent 
firmness in maintaining the ideal by which he 
was to fulfil that mission and reform the Church 
of Christ. 

Francis believed in the frequent and direct 
intervention of God in the affairs of this world, 
and had an unshaken conviction that he heard 
God or Christ speak to him. Since the appeal of 
Our Lord in the church of Santo Damiano and 
the subsequent revelation that the words, " Go 
and repair my house," applied to the house of 
Christ, 1 Francis felt that he was charged with a 

» Bon., 15, 16. 



104 Character of St. Francis 

great mission; that he had been chosen from all 
others to reform the world. God sent him his 
first companions, and traced for the growing 
community their mode of life and activity. He 
said in his testament : " When the Lord had given 
me the care of my brothers, no one showed me 
what I should do, — but the Most High Himself 
revealed to me that I should live according to 
the form of the holy Gospel." 1 

This conviction that his mission came from 
God rendered him uncompromising. He would 
suffer no half measures. It had been revealed 
to him that he and his companions in their work 
of reform were to live in poverty, and he would 
not accept a candidate who had not, from the 
first moment, sold all his goods and given his 
money to the poor; 2 nor would he hear of a house 
being owned by the brethren, whatever might 
be the extenuating circumstances. His extreme 
severity in this respect can be accounted for only 
by the conviction that he was following an ideal 
assigned by God Himself. 3 

Only once, when he gave his resignation from 

1 Testamentum. Cf. the text in Sabatier's Spec. 
Perf., pp. 309-313, with parallel passages from the 
Speculum. 

2 Bon., 90. 

3 Spec. Perf., Cap. 6, 7. 



St. Francis as a Leader 105 

the office of minister-general of the order at 
the chapter of 1220, did he show signs of dis- 
couragement in the work which God had con- 
fided to him. The unfaithfulness of a whole 
party of brothers to Francis's ideal, his constant 
infirmities, his love of humility and obedience, 
were the probable causes of this action. 1 We 
may say also that the desire to give himself 
entirely to his work of reform urged him to 
resign a function which was moreover not con- 
genial to his nature. The office of minister- 
general, since the wonderful development of 
the order, had become too absorbing. It 
required not only the continual presence of the 
minister^at the headquarters, but also a great 
deal of routine work and constant attention to 
details of administration. Such a life, aside from 
being distasteful to a man of Francis's fiery 
nature, seemed to him an obstacle to the mis- 
sion he had received from God. The call he 
heard in the church of Santo Damiano, " Go 
and repair my house," was still ringing in his 
ears: it was not to the administrative life of a 
ruler that God had destined him, but to the fife 
of an apostle. 

Though he was in this frame of mind, Francis 

1 Spec. Perf., Cap. 39, 41, 71. 



106 Character of St. Francis 

did not abandon the direction of the Franciscan 
movement. Not only did he retain, at the 
request of his brethren, the title of minister- 
general, while the acting minister bore the name 
of vicar-general during Francis's life, but he also 
continued to give to the order the general direc- 
tion and proper spirit, leaving to his vicar the 
care of the temporal administration and of the 
details required by the government of so large 
a number of men. 1 

In fact, he consecrated his first leisure time to 
the composition of the rule. The circumstances 
which attended his work show that Francis 
believed more firmly than ever in a divine mis- 
sion to reform the world, and wished to maintain 
at all costs the ideal which he had received from 
Heaven. The first rule or rules which had 
governed the order until this time (1220) had 
proved insufficient. 2 Controversies on different 
points had arisen during his trip to the Orient 
and had created difficulties. 3 He immediately 
set to work* to correct the points which were 

1 Cf. for instance Francis's letter to Brother Elia, 
published in Sabatier's "Tractatus de Indulgentia," 
p. 113, and in "Opusc S. P. Franc," p. 108. 

2 K. Miiller: "Die Anfan. des Minor.," pp. 4-25. 

3 K. Miiller: op. git., p. 10 ff. Jord. d. Gian., in 
"Anal. Franc," I, pp. 4, 5, nn. 11 15. 



St. Francis as a Leader 107 

liable to be misinterpreted and to render any 
misconception of his ideal impossible. 

The chapter on the prohibitions of the Gospel, 
"Nihil tuleritis in via," had been particularly 
attacked by some lax religious, 1 and one of the 
ministers, after Francis's return, asked him what 
was the exact bearing of these prohibitions. 
Francis answered firmly: "The sense is that the 
brothers must have nothing except a tunic, 
with a cord and drawers (femoralibus), as the 
rule says; and in case of necessity they may 
wear shoes." The minister wished to obtain 
permission to keep a few books: "I will not," 
answered Francis, "I must not and I can not 
permit this against my conscience and the per- 
fection of the holy Gospel which we have 
embraced." 

Hearing that the ministers wished to have the 
chapter, "Nihil tuleritis, "removed from the rule, 
he cried out before some of his brethren: "My 
brothers, the ministers think that they will 
deceive the Lord and myself; but in order that 
my brothers may know that they are obliged to 
observe the perfection of the holy Gospel, I 
wish that in the beginning and in the end of the 
rule it should be written that the brothers are 

1 Spec. Perf., Cap. 3. 



108 Character of St. Francis 

bound to observe strictly the holy Gospel of 
Our Lord Jesus Christ; and, that my brethren 
may be inexcusable, I have always proclaimed, 
and I now proclaim, the things which the Lord 
has revealed to me, and which are necessary for 
my salvation and for theirs, and I will show them 
in my works, with the help of the Lord, and 
observe them as long as I live." 1 

Later, when he had retired to a mountain with 
two brothers in order to write the rule that was 
later approved by Honorius III, some ministers 
went to Brother Elia, who was then vicar-general 
of the order, and asked him to intervene and beg 
Francis not to make the rule too difficult. Elia 
finally consented to go with them; but when they 
reached the place where Francis had retired and 
explained to him their request, he turned towards 
heaven and said to Christ: "Did I not say to 
Thee that they would not believe me?" Then, 
his historians tell us, they all heard the voice of 
Christ saying: "Francis, there is nothing in the 
rule which is thine, but it is all mine, and I wish 
the rule to be observed to the letter, to the letter, 
without gloss, without gloss, without gloss. I 
know of what human infirmity is capable and 
what is the power of my assistance; let those 

1 Spec. Perf., Cap. 3. 



St. Francis as a Leader 109 

who do not wish to observe the rule leave the 
order." 1 

Whether or not this supernatural intervention 
occurred, the fact remains that Francis did not 
yield, for he saw in the rule the will of God which 
he was commissioned to transmit to men. 

Honorius III, whom Francis requested to 
approve the rule, considered some parts too hard 
for human weakness, and advised him to miti- 
gate or change some demands, and to sup- 
press others entirely. But he was not more suc- 
cessful than the Cardinal of Santo Paolo and 
Innocent III. When Francis presented for the 
first time his project of life and work to Honorius, 
he said: "It is not I, most blessed Father, who 
have put these precepts or these words in the 
rule, but Christ, who knows better than anyone 
all that is useful and necessary for the salvation 
of souls and of the brothers, as well as for the 
well-being and preservation of this order, — Christ, 
to whom all things which will happen in the 
Church and in our order are present and mani- 
fest; therefore I must not and I can not change 
or suppress altogether the words of Christ. 2 ' 2 

1 Spec. Perf., Cap. 1. Cf. also study on this chapter 
by Sabatier in Spec. Perf., p. 249. 

2 Bon., 56. 



110 Character of St. Francis 

The mission which he had received was a 
specific one: "I do not want you to name to me 
any other rule," he said to his brethren in a 
chapter: "the rule of St. Benedict, or of St. 
Augustine, or of St. Bernard, or any other 
way or form of life besides that which has been 
shown and given to me by the merciful Lord. 
The Lord has told me that He wished us to lead 
this new form of life." 1 

The rule might not be changed any more than 
the Gospel itself: God was the author of it, 
Francis was only the instrument. Let the relig- 
ious, the ministers, the Pope himself, attempt to 
mitigate it, — they are bound to fail. "Woe to 
those brothers who oppose me in what I know 
firmly to be the will of God." 2 This question, 
thus raised against Francis himself during his 
lifetime, caused a schism in the community 
after his death, and led to most distressing con- 
sequences. Nothing shook the determination of 
Francis. He was well aware of the difficulties 
which the rule had already caused, and he was 
aware of the difficulties which it would cause, since 
he himself had predicted the events which were 
soon to take place. 3 But he was doing that 

1 Spec. Perf., Cap. 68. 

2 Spec. Perf., Cap. 11. 

• Spec. Perf., Cap. 72 and 81. 



St. Francis as a Leader 111 

which he believed God had inspired him to do. 
He was accomplishing a mission received from 
above, and he remained inflexible. 

He remained uncompromising to the end, and 
in his Testament, which, according to the Bull of 
Gregory IX, "Quo elongati," he dictated only 
a few days before his death, he recalled again 
the mission which he had received from the Most 
High, and the duty of all to follow the ideal 
which God had revealed to him: "And to my 
brothers, clerics and laymen, I command firmly 
in the name of obedience not to put any glosses 
on the rule or on these words, saying, It is in this 
way that they should be understood; but as the 
Lord had given me the grace to speak and to 
write simply and purely the rule and these words, 
so, also, purely and simply, you must understand 
them without glosses and fulfil them in holy 
observance unto the end." 

These words had the authority of a founder 
and a divine legate. To add still further to the 
impression caused by his words, he ordered some 
ashes to be strewn on the floor of his cell, and 
then, taking off his tunic with difficulty, and 
assisted by his brothers, he stretched himself 
all naked on the floor; after a few moments of 
profound silence, he said to his brethren: "I 



112 Character of St. Francis 

have done my work; may Christ teach you how 
to do yours." 1 

2. . The emotional, enthusiastic, and saintly 
Francis was the idol of the people. He thought 
like them, spoke like them, acted like them; he 
was for them the typical Italian, with all the 
characteristics, the spirit, the aspirations of the 
time. This was naturally a source of power for 
Francis. Few men of the time possessed sym- 
pathetic understanding of the people, combined 
with energy and influence, to equal Francis. 
Nothing could overcome him. His power was 
that of a great conviction and a great ideal: 
the conviction of a divine mission, the ideal of 
poverty. Francis believed he had seen Our Lord ; 
he had received a mission to reform the world; 
and, deeply impressed with the importance and 
greatness of the task, he felt that he was speaking 
in the name of God, or rather that God Himself 
was speaking through him. He had taken from 
the Gospel, from the Divine Word, the ideal to 
which he had consecrated himself: it was the 
ideal of Christ, of the Apostles; he loved it pas- 
sionately, and was eager to see it admired and 
loved by all those around him. In a religious 
and ardent mind like his, such a conviction and 

* II Cel., Ill, 139. 



St. Francis as a Leader 113 

such an ideal were an extraordinary power, — a 
power which no human conviction, no human 
ideal could ever give; a power which no obstacle 
could check, and no heart resist. 

In view of these circumstances, then, it is not 
surprising that success accompanied him every- 
where. People found in him a leader who felt 
that he had a message to give to the world. He 
was in striking contrast with their bishop, whose 
sermons, generally cold and stiff, came from the 
head, rather than from the heart. Francis preached 
from the heart, and his words went to the heart. 
There was nothing formal, nothing official about 
these fervent appeals, made anywhere and at 
any time, and always with a power which suffered 
no resistance. Once, at the reiterated request 
of Cardinal Ugolino, he consented to prepare 
and preach a regular sermon before the Pope 
and the Roman Court. Francis, having ascended 
the pulpit, forgot all he had so carefully prepared, 
and was unable to say a word. He related in all 
simplicity and humility to the Pope and car- 
dinals what had happened to him, and after having 
invoked the Holy Ghost, spoke so eloquently on 
a new subject that he moved all hearts and 
showed, says St. Bonaventure, " That it was not 
he, but the spirit of the Lord which was speaking." 1 

1 1 Cel., 72, 73. 3 Soc, 64. Bon., 178. 



114 Character of St. Francis 

He had nothing new to teach men: he was 
convinced that God had sent him to reform the 
Church, not to announce new truths. What he 
presented to them was the old Christian ideal 
which men had forgotten, or rather neglected. 
Faith was not lacking then, and it was enough to 
appeal to their hearts to produce an effect. 
Hearts were moved at the very sight of Francis : 
his mission, his ideal, his holiness were written 
on his countenance. Sometimes the inspiration 
did not come, and Francis had no word to say 
when people assembled to hear him. On such 
occasions he would simply bless the people, and 
go. 1 His presence alone filled everyone with love 
for the man and for the ideal of which he was 
the perfect expression. But when to his external 
appearance was added the sweet but energetic 
sound of his voice, 2 expressing in fiery words the 
deeply felt truths, the hardest hearts melted and 
were bent to his will. 

Nor did this wonderful power of Francis stop 
at the conversion of men; he possessed a no less 
wonderful influence over those who entrusted 
themselves to his care and training. In the 

1 1 Cel., 72. Cf. also sermon to Poor Ladies without 
speaking, II Cel, III, 134. 
* I Cel., 83. 



St. Francis as a Leader 115 

beginning of the order there was no novitiate; 
the candidates were immediately received into 
the order, and then began active work in the field 
of reform. Brought under the personal influence 
of Francis, they soon shared his convictions, 
and looked upon him as the man sent by the 
Almighty to reform the world. They accepted 
his ideal and loved Lady Poverty almost as much 
as he did. A few words from his mouth were 
sufficient to revive in them their early enthusiasm 
when it had waned. He said, in one of those 
few bursts of eloquence which his historians 
have recorded: "My brethren, we have promised 
great things, we have been promised greater 
things, — let us keep our promises, let us sigh 
after God's promises. Short is the pleasure, 
the punishment is eternal. Small is the suffer- 
ing, the glory will be infinite. All are called, few 
are chosen. To each one it shall be given accord- 
ing to his works." 

If discouragement or trouble of any kind 
afflicted one of his brethren, "All the clouds 
were soon dispelled at the sound of his fiery elo- 
quence, and all hearts became again serene." 1 

This power over his disciples was still increased 
by the love which he had for each one of them, 

1 1 Cel., 46. 



116 Character of St. Francis 

and by the readiness with which he discovered 
their needs, their desires, their temptations, and 
hastened to console or to help them. 1 It was a 
power which men did not try to shun, but to 
which they gladly submitted, because it was 
full of charity, love and tenderness. It„, is 
scarcely surprising that Renan spoke as he did: 
"Le grand mouvement ombrien du treizieme 
siecle . . . est, entre tous les essais de 
fondation religieuse celui qui ressemble le plus 
au mouvement galileen ... Frangois 
d'Assise (est) Fhomme du monde qui par son 
exquise bonte, sa communion delicate, fine et 
tendre avec la vie universelle, a le plus ressemble 
a Jesus. " 2 

3. The splendid organization of the orders 
created by Francis, particularly of the first and 
third orders, if we consider it in connection with 
its historical circumstances, cannot fail to awaken 
a feeling of wonder. Compared with the power- 
ful orders which had been the glory of the Church 
for centuries, the organization of the Franciscans 
still excites the greatest admiration. In the 

1 1 Cel., 48-50; II Cel., II, 3, 11, 14, 18, 19. 

2 E. Renan: "Vie de Jesus," 12th edition, Paris, 
1864, p. 183. Cf. also "St. Paul," p. 569. "Nouvelles 
etudes religieuses," Paris, 1884, pp. 334,335. 



St. Francis as a Leader 117 

first order the institution of the general chapters 
for government, the election to the various 
offices without discrimination for or against mem- 
bers, whatsoever may have been their origin or 
their class before joining the order, are worthy 
of note. Those who ruled were called ministers 
by Francis, as it was intended that they should 
be really the servants of all. In the Third Order, 
the minister and members of the directory 
received their appointment and authority from 
the members. That these provisions were wise 
is shown in the actual success of the government 
of the body in each country of Europe, in the 
victorious resistance offered against attacks 
coming from the lords, and too often from the 
clergy, until then the ruling parties of the world. 1 
We are naturally led to ask: To whom shall we 
give the credit of this extraordinary organization, 
which was to resist the storms of centuries? 
Some claim that Francis was not only a born 
leader but also a sagacious administrator, 

'E. Gebhart: "L'ltalie mystique," pp. 127, 213. 
A. Harnack: "Das Monchtum, seine Ideale und seine 
Geschichte." Eng. ed., 1895, pp. 67-83. A. Cantono: 
"S. Francesco d'As. e la democrazia cristiana." Gino 
Capponi: "Storia di Firenze," p. 180. P. Mandonnet: 
"Les Regies et le Gouvernement de l'Ordo de Poeni- 
tentia," Chap. II. 



118 Character of St. Francis 

almost a statesman ; or, at least, that he himself 
organized the Franciscan orders and directed 
the movement in the beginning of the thirteenth 
century. 1 Others have attributed to the Church 
the organization and direction of these orders, 
but they affirm at the same time that the inter- 
vention of the Church took place against Francis's 
will, thwarted his plans of reform, and largely 
impeded the beneficial results of the movement. 2 

The truth seems to be between these extremes. 
Francis did not possess the talent of organization ; 
and, when he realized the need of organization, 
he not only allowed, but even begged, the Church 
to supply what was lacking in himself. 

Francis was indeed a leader of men in the sense 
that he was full of enthusiasm and had the power 
to communicate his enthusiasm to others. The 
wonderful success of his orders, which revolu- 
tionized a large part, of Europe in the beginning 
of the thirteenth century, is proof sufficient of 
his popular power. But this does not neces- 
sarily imply power of organization. The 
organizer must possess a clear view of the end 
to be attained, of its relations, resources and 

1 Karl Hase, Fred. Morin; also many Catholic 
writers. 

2 Thode, Sabatier, and most Protestant writers after 
them. 



St. Francis as a Leader 119 

resistance, the adaptation of means ; as also power 
of execution, keen appreciation of the circum- 
stances of time and place, and good judgment of 
men in whom to trust. The leader must be able 
not only to convince, to infuse his enthusiasm into 
others, but also to govern them, to restrain 
them when over-confident, to incite them when 
relaxing, to maintain order and discipline. 

Peter the Hermit and St. Bernard stirred up 
the people, and raised an enthusiasm which has 
perhaps rarely been equaled; but they lacked 
the power of organization, and they failed in 
their crusades. Pierre Waldo was an enthusiast, 
but the movement which he started soon degen- 
erated into heresy and revolt; he lacked the prac- 
tical talent to discipline men. The ardent and 
stubborn Luther started the movement of the 
Reformation, but it took the genius of Calvin 
to give it some theological coherence and firmer 
organization. 

Francis originated a great movement, and filled 
with enthusiasm all those around him. But he 
lacked the practical talent of organization. He 
was the originator of the Franciscan movement 
of the thirteenth century; but the Church put 
order and discipline into the movement, and 
directed it in its mission. Francis, before his 



120 Character of St. Francis 

conversion, was only a clever thirteenth-century 
merchant and a pleasure-seeking young man. 1 
His reform movement, once inaugurated, was to 
embrace the whole world; yet he was conscious 
of no fear; wise in temporal affairs, he became 
foolish in God's service. It is true "That which 
appeareth foolish of God is wiser than men," 2 
and that many of the methods of Francis, foolish 
in our eyes, obtained for him a success of which, 
humanly speaking, they gave no promise. How- 
ever, judging Francis here as we would judge any 
social reformer, we must incline to the view that 
he did not possess the talent of organization, 
the practical sense of a good administrator. 

Before going to Rome to apply for the appro- 
bation of the Pope, Francis wrote a rule for his 
first companions. This rule is lost; but we 
know it was only a collection of Gospel maxims 
and counsels, arranged under a few headings, 
and supplemented by a few directions. 3 The 
idea of Francis was to make Christ Himself the 
rule: Christ's words would be the words of the 
rule, which thus would carry in itself its own 

» 1 Cel., 2. 

2 1 Cor. i. 

3 1 Cel., 32. Bon., 34. Cf. Miiller: "Die Anfange 
des Minoritenordens," I, 1. Die angeblich erste 
Regel, pp. 4-14. 



St. Francis as a Leader 121 

sanction. Yet the advisability of composing 
the rule of life of a developing community from 
Gospel texts, which are generally of difficult 
interpretation, is not beyond question. In fact, 
in his subsequent rules, Francis omitted more 
and more the quotations from the Gospel and 
reduced the evangelical maxims to more precise 
formulas. 

As soon as Francis had gathered a few com- 
panions, he sent them out to preach penance 
and peace. No one knew where they were to 
go; they were sent out "into the four parts of the 
world." Abandoning themselves to luck, or 
rather, to the inspirations of God, as they 
believed, they traveled without any fixed 
itinerary. They did not, and should not, 
trouble themselves about food or shelter. 
Francis had said to each one of them: "My 
brother, leave all cares' to God; He will provide 
for your needs." 1 He had appointed to them 
no time for returning from their apostolic mis- 
sion. When he wished to see them a^ain, he 
prayed to God that He might inspire them with 
the idea of coming back to St. Mary of the Angels. 
There was indeed faith, but scarcely human 
prudence, in such a course of action. 2 

1 1 Cel., 29. Bon., 33. 
2 1 Cel., 30. Bon., 33. 



122 Character of St. Francis 

So far no urgent need for a strong organiza- 
tion had been felt. The little company counted 
only a few members, who had all .the fervor of 
youth, and if trouble or discouragement harassed 
any one, Francis always had the right word 
and the right remedy. 

But, in course of time, the number of his fol- 
lowers increased; they became popular, and new 
postulants arrived every day. Stronger organi- 
zation was necessary, as well as stronger disci- 
pline. Francis had become almost unconsciously 
the head of a numerous and promiscuous crowd. 
Lords and serfs, merchants and craftsmen, 
brigands and saints, poets and lawyers, priests 
and laymen, beggars and chevaliers, had joined 
the order by the hundreds: it required a firm 
and skilful hand to govern and direct such an 
assemblage. 

Yet, at this very moment, Francis meditated 
an apostolic mission to the Orient. His enthu- 
siasm carried the day, and he actually left for 
the East. 1 It is true he confided the government 
of the order to Pietro di Catania, a doctor in 
law, and well informed in this branch. 2 But it 

1 1 Cel., 55. Bon., 129. 

2 Jord. d. Giano, in "An. Franc," n. 11, p. 4, T. 
I. Cf- Sabatier's Spec. Perf., p. 70, note. 



St. Francis as a Leader 123 

seems little in conformity with the rules of human 
prudence for a founder to abandon his order to 
strange hands at the very time of its greatest 
development, when there was the greatest need 
to give to the young company the proper spirit 
and the proper direction. This was in 1213, 
four years after the foundation, and Francis left 
then for a distant country, hoping perhaps to 
meet there the death of a martyr. 

Contrary winds threw the ship on the coast of 
Illyria. After some days' delay, Francis, seeing 
that there was no hope of reaching the Orient, 
returned to Assisi. But again the love 
of apostolic labors and the desire of martyr- 
dom got the better of him, and he departed for 
Morocco. He did not go beyond Spain, return- 
ing on account of sickness. 1 

It was nearly a year since he had left Santa 
Maria degli Angeli. During that time, and 
under the administration of Pietro di Catania, a 
large stone house had been erected by the people 
of Assisi for the new order. Francis was deeply 
affected by an action which marked a departure 
from his spirit and from the direction which he 
wished to give the new order. 2 It seems that he 

» 1 Cel., 56. Bon., 132. Wadd., an. 1213, n. 58. 
* Spec. Perf., Cap. 7. 



124 Character of St. Francis 

should have profited by the lesson and understood 
the necessity of his presence and of his immediate 
direction. Yet, soon after the chapter of Pente- 
cost of the same year (1215) he departed again, 
this time for France. When he reached Florence, 
Cardinal Ugolino, who understood better the 
needs of the rising order, prevailed upon him not 
to leave Italy at a time when his presence was 
so necessary. Francis, always respectful towards 
the prelates of the Church, having remained 
some time in Florence to treat with the cardinal 
concerning the interests of the order, finally 
returned to Assisi. 1 

New disappointments awaited him there, 
which were in great part the consequences of 
faults of administration. The brothers whom 
he had sent to the four corners of the world, 
animated with the same enthusiasm which 
filled him, were now returning by little bands, 
disheartened. Neither they nor Francis had 
foreseen all the difficulties of a mission in foreign 
countries: being ignorant of the language, they 
were not understood, nor could they understand; 
their strange manners excited not edification, but 
ridicule. 2 No one had foreseen that the source 

* I Cel., 74, 75. 

2 3 Soc, 62. Wadd., an. 1216, n. 9. Jord. d. Giano, 
in "An. Franc," T. I, n. 5, p. 3. 



St. Francis as a Leader 125 

of their success in Italy, simplicity, poverty, 
childlike manners, might be a cause of failure in 
other countries, when not adapted to the changed 
circumstances. The missionaries were taken for 
heretics, as they had not even letters to prove 
their orthodoxy. 

Francis understood then the necessity of a 
strong hand to guide the order, and recognized his 
own inability to discipline and direct it. He began 
to think there were too many Friars Minor: 
" Oh, if it were possible," he said, " that the 
world, seeing the Brothers only very seldom, 
should wonder at their little number." 

He saw in a dream a hen which tried in vain 
to shelter under her wings her too numerous 
progeny, and immediately applying the vision 
to himself, he exclaimed: "Therefore, I will 
go and confide to the holy Roman Church my 
little chickens (pullos meos) whom I can no longer 
protect." 1 In compliance with his request, a 
Cardinal Protector was appointed, whose office 
it was, according to Francis, " to govern, protect 
and correct the order." 2 

Perhaps Francis relied too much on the 
Cardinal Protector for the work of administra- 

» II Cel., I, 16. 3 Soc, 63. 
2 Testamentum. 



126 Character of St. Francis 

tion. 1 On the occasion of the general chapter 
in 1219, relying on the goodness of divine 
Providence, he neglected to make provision for 
the support of 5,000 brothers present. 2 Imme- 
diately thereafter, Francis, carried away by his 
enthusiasm, left for Egypt. 3 It was a fault 
which he soon recognized. The rumor spread 
in Italy that Francis was dead: it was the signal 
for disorder. A chapter was convoked in which, 
contrary to custom, only part of the brethren 
participated. They decreed some changes in 
the rule, particularly the introduction of fast- 
days, which was contrary to Francis's spirit. 
At the same time, Brother Philippo had 
obtained from Rome several privileges for the 
Order of the Poor Ladies, and also modifications 
in their rule, all of which was against the spirit 
of Francis. Again, Giovanni di Capella, one of 
the first companions of the saint, had already 
taken steps to found a new order in which the 
lepers themselves would be admitted, and the 
rule had been presented to the Pope for appro- 
bation. 4 

1 1 Cel., 74: "Tamquam unicus in^tris suae, securus 
in sinu clementise suae dormiens et quiescens." 

» Bon., 52. 

■ Bon., 129. 

* Cf. Miiller: "Die Anfange des Minoritenordens," 
p. 63 ff. 



St. Francis as a Leader 127 

Francis returned to Italy and endeavored to 
suppress the innovations. The spirit of change 
had crept in, however, and from it developed a 
tendency entirely opposed to the views of 
Francis. The division of the order into two 
branches, the Spirituals and the Conventuals, 
traces its origin here. Francis never ceased to 
protest against the new spirit, but he was not 
powerful enough to hinder it from spreading. 

After his return from Egypt he resigned 
as minister-general, and appointed Pietro di 
Catania to fill this office. Pietro belonged to 
the first disciples of Francis, and represented 
his spirit well: but he died the following year 
(1221). Francis appointed the famous Elia di 
Cortona minister-general. He was greatly 
deceived in his judgment of this man, who lost 
no time in opposing St. Francis's ideal and modi- 
fying the work of the order, and finally gave the 
scandal of revolt and apostasy. 1 

From that time till his death, in 1224, Francis 
took little share in the administration of the 
order, 2 though he never again left Italy. He 
remained chiefly at Santa Maria degli Angeli, 

1 Ed. Lempp: "Frere Elie de Cortone," Paris, 1901. 

2 Cf. Letter of Francis to Elia in Saba tier's "Indulg. 
de Port.," pp. 113, 121 ff. 



128 Character of St. Francis 

and continued until the last to protest against 
the innovations made. The situation was beyond 
his control. Not even the vigorous attempt 
made in his Testament to recall the ideal for 
which the order had come into existence, availed 
to prevent the crisis that came soon after his 
death. 

It is said the curia was largely responsible 
for the difficulties which arose during Francis's 
absence in 1219. Cardinal Ugolino had been 
protector of the order for some time, hence he 
could not be a stranger to the different changes 
then taking place in the first order and in the 
Order of the Poor Ladies. We know in fact that 
he was to a certain extent responsible for these 
changes. 1 It is probable also that, after the death 
of Pietro di Catania, Cardinal Ugolino had some- 
thing to do with the appointment of Brother 
Elia as vicar-general, for Francis would not 
have taken such an important step without the 
advice of the Cardinal Protector; we know also 
from the Cardinal's own words that when Elia was 
reappointed after Francis's death, it was through 
his instrumentality. So it would be unfair to 
lay all the blame of the first appointment on 
Francis. 

1 Cf. Sabatier's Spec. Perf., p. cii ff. 



St. Francis as a Leader 129 

The ecclesiastical advisers and protectors of 
the movement may have committed faults as 
well as Francis. Yet we must, at the same time, 
give them credit for what they did in favor of 
the Franciscan movement. Undoubtedly, they 
had in this movement a share greater than is 
generally supposed. The young and emotional 
Francis had awakened enthusiasm and inau- 
gurated the work; but the representatives of the 
experience and the old traditional wisdom of 
the Church, in which reason, cautious and 
provident, rather than imagination and youth, 
ruled, lent to it consistency and order. 

But before developing this thought, we may 
draw a few conclusions suggested by the facts 
related in this section. 

Francis did not possess talent for organization. 
It was no easy task to maintain order among so 
many men and to direct them towards such a 
high ideal as he had set up for them. The 
absence of the qualities which would have been 
needed in such circumstances, appears as the 
natural consequence of the idealistic, mystic, 
emotional, and enthusiastic character of Francis; 
the talent of administration required reason 
rather than imagination, reflection and prudence 
more than enthusiasm. 



130 Character of St. Francis 

Francis was a man of strong faith. He relied 
for success not on human methods, but exclu- 
sively on Providence; and he recommended to 
his disciples not to care for the morrow, but to 
trust in God. The supernatural played an 
important part in St. Francis's life ; and he cer- 
tainly thought that faith, love of Christ, trust 
in the Creator and Provider of all, availed more 
than any efforts of men. 

Francis could not see the logic of a course 
combining human with divine wisdom. An 
attempt to assure through human means the 
preservation and success of his order, would have 
been, in his eyes, a crime. Keeping this in mind, 
we can not wonder that Francis cared little for a 
form of organization which would have made his 
order too much like those already existing, and 
that he had recourse to it by necessity and not by 
choice. 

It must not be forgotten that it is largely the 
contrast with older orders, the simplicity of the 
first Franciscans, the absence of all formality, 
and of everything having a tendency to attract 
respect more than popularity, which explain the 
earlier success of the movement. But this very 
success made organization necessary. Without 
it, there was no possibility of keeping within the 



St. Francis as a Leader 131 

right bounds, and directing, a large number of 
men, and a stronger hand than that of Francis 
became a necessity. 

Moreover, Francis's plan of reform contem- 
plated mainly the reform of the individual. He 
aimed at the individual, and only through the 
individual at society and the Christian Church. 
His order, as he intended it, was simply a collec- 
tion of men carrying into practice as perfectly as 
possible the principles of the Gospel. Believing 
in the reform of the individual as the only means 
of reforming society, he depended on the influence 
of man on man to obtain the end in view. Hence, 
the thought of an order acting on society was far 
from his mind. He saw only the poor Friar, in 
his poor clothes and his simplicity, converting the 
peasant and the lord, the artisan and the mer- 
chant, and all his efforts were directed to the 
training of good Friars. Though he had a great 
personal power over individuals, when they 
became too numerous, and personal influence 
on them became impossible, difficulties arose. 
Then the need of organization was felt. Organ- 
ization was not a part of Francis's ideal, nor of 
his plans for the reform of the Christian world. 
The Church, at the demand of Francis, intervened 
and brought to the movement order and method, 



132 Character of St. Francis 

and thus insured the success of the Franciscan 
movement. 

4. It would be beside the present purpose to 
go at length into the question of the relations 
between Francis and the Church. The works 
of Saba tier and Thode 1 have given rise to an 
immense amount of literature on this subject. 2 
A short review of these relations will demon- 
strate two points connected with the character of 
Francis as a reformer: that Francis was before 
all a most devoted son of the Catholic Church; 
and that the Church supplied largely, in the 
Franciscan movement, what Francis lacked — 
method and system. 

Francis, educated by a Catholic mother in 
the very center of Catholicism, remained all his 

1 P. Sabatier: "Vie de St. Francois d 'Assise," "Spec- 
ulum Perfectionis," etc. . . . H. Thode: "Franz 
von Assisi und die Anfange der Kunst der Renaissance 
in Italien," Berlin, 1885. 

2 Cf. for example: "St. Francois et l'Eglise" in 
"Rev. des Quest. Hist.," Vol. 57, pp. 210-229. "St. 
Francois d Assise d'apres son dernier historien" in 
"Vingtieme Siecle," 1894, p. 53, with answer by 
Sabatier in same. R. Mariano: "Francesco d'Assisi, 
e alcuni dei suoi piu recenti biografi." X. "Le relazi- 
oni con la Chiesa." Fr. Paschal Robinson: "The 
Real St. Francis," "The teaching of St. Francis of 
Assisi and its latest interpreters," etc. 



St. Francis as a Leader 133 

life a most faithful subject of the Catholic Church. 
Any impartial reader of the first legends of the 
saint, whether written by the Spirituals or by the 
partisans of Brother Elia, will find at every step 
new proofs of this perfect and sincere submission 
of Francis to the Church, which he called lovingly 
"his Mother," 1 and to her ministers, in whom he 
saw the representatives of God on earth. 2 

Before he embraced the apostolic life he made 
a pilgrimage to Rome, the center of Catholicism, 
and there bestowed a generous offering on the 
tomb of the Apostles. It was in Rome, too, that 
he put on for the first time the habit of a beggar 
and took his place among the poor that crowded 
the porch of St. Peter's to solicit the alms of the 
pilgrims. On his return to Assisi it was to the 
bishop that he confided the inspirations which 
he had received from God and his plans for the 
future. 3 

As soon as he had gathered a few companions, 
he said to them : " I see, my brethren, that God 
in His mercy washes to increase our company. 
Let us therefore go to our Mother, the holy 
Roman Church, and announce to the Sovereign 

1 3 Soc., 46. Spec. Perf., Cap. 78. 

2 Testamentum. Spec. Perf., Cap. 10, 55. 
8 3 Soc., 35. 



134 Character of St. Francis 

Pontiff what the Lord has begun to do through 
us, that we may achieve what we have under- 
taken according to His will and by His com- 
mand." 1 This step was the more remarkable, 
as there was then no law obliging the religious 
orders to solicit a formal approbation from Rome. 

During all his life, Francis never took any 
important step in his reform movement without 
first asking the approval of the Church. When 
he wished to sail for Egypt he first went to Rome 
and begged Innocent III to bless his enterprise. 2 
He humbly submitted to the counsels of Cardinal 
Ugolino when the latter opposed his trip tc 
France; and it was in order to practise better 
this absolute submission to the Church, that he 
asked the Sovereign Pontiff to appoint a protec- 
tor of the order who would represent the Church. 

He frequently recommended submission not 
only to the Sovereign Pontiff and the Cardinal 
Protector of the order, but also to all bishops 
and priests. His brethren were obliged to ask 
the approval of the ordinary of any place where 
they were about to establish a convent, or to 
preach. 3 Their object was to assist the clergy 

1 3 Soc, 46. 

2 Wadd., an. 1212, n. 35. 
» Spec. Perf., Cap. 10, 50. 



St. Francis as a Leader 135 

in their work, but this they were to do in all 
humility. 1 They should respect even the poorest 
priests as their masters. 2 

In his definitive rule he recommended to them 
that they should always be "submissive and 
subject to the holy Roman Church, prostrate 
at her feet, and steadfast in the Catholic 
faith." 3 

Nor did this love of Francis for the Church 
and her ministers ever decrease, for, a few days 
before his death he wrote in his Testament: 
"The Lord gave me, and gives me, on account 
of their order, so great a faith in priests who 
live according to the rules of the holy Roman 
Church, that, even if they persecuted me, I would 
have recourse to them . . . however poor 
they may be, I would not preach against their 
will. I wish to fear, love, and honor them, and 
all others as my lords, and I will not consider 
sin in them, because I see in them the Son of God 
and because they are my masters. . . ."* 

Sentiments more Catholic could not be 
expressed, and to pretend to see in Francis any- 

1 Spec. Perf., Cap. 54. 

2 Spec. Perf., Cap. 10. 

3 Regula 2a, Cap. xii. 
* Testamentum. 



136 Character of St. Francis 

thing but a most strictly Catholic reformer would 
be a gross historical error. Francis's language 
and conduct in this respect can not leave room 
for the slightest doubt. 

Nor is this conduct a mere expression of the 
ideas or customs of the time : most of the reform- 
ers in St. Francis's time acted not only without 
the approbation of the Church, but in direct 
opposition to her. 

The Franciscan reform movement, on the 
contrary, was the joint work of Francis and the 
Church, — Francis contributing the enthusiasm, 
the Church giving method and order; Francis 
offering to the depraved world an ideal, the 
Church reducing this ideal to practice. 

The first official act of the Church in connection 
with the movement of reform contemplated by 
Francis, took place when he went to Rome 
with his first companions to ask the approbation 
of his rule and his enterprise. The hesitation 
of Innocent III has been interpreted by most 
non-Catholic historians as the first obstruction 
thrown by the Church in the way of the Fran- 
ciscan movement. Yet his hesitation seems not 
only justified by the circumstances, but suggested 
by a consummate prudence, and later develop- 
ments have shown how wise was the conduct 



St. Francis as a Leader 137 

of the Pontiff: "My sons," he had said to Francis 
and his companions, "the life which you wish 
to lead seems to be very hard and rigorous. 
Your fervor, I know, is so great that I can not 
doubt your perseverance. But we must also 
think about those who will come after you, and we 
must be careful not to impose on them obligations 
which they would not be able to carry." 1 It 
seems as if the experienced Pontiff had foreseen 
the troubles which were to arise from the diffi- 
culties of Francis's ideal and rule, and we can 
only admire his wisdom, if, delaying to a further 
time the official approval of the order, he wished 
to see first how this ideal would work in practice. 
The Cardinal of Santo Paolo assisted Francis 
in these first negotiations, and gave him important 
advice concerning the direction of the order. 
Later, this counsel was given by Cardinal Ugolino 
at the demand of Francis. " Without the Cardinal 
of Santo Paolo, w says the Abbe Le Monnier, 2 " the 
order of the Friars Minor would perhaps never have 
come into existence; but undoubtedly, it would 
never have developed and would have hardly 
subsisted without Cardinal Ugolino." 

» 3 Soc, 49. 

2 "Vie de St. Francois d'Assise," Paris, 1890, Vol. 
I, p. 339. 



138 Character of St. Francis 

The Cardinal acted wisely in opposing 
Francis's trip to France at a time when his 
presence was so much needed at headquarters. 

Again, the Protector of the order was present 
at the chapter of the Mats, in 1219, and took an 
active part in the deliberations. The brethren 
sent to foreign countries had, as we have seen, 
failed in their efforts. He obtained for thenr 
from the Pope official letters addressed "To the 
Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Deans, Arch- 
deacons, and other ecclesiastical Superiors," to all 
of whom the brethren were recommended as good 
Catholics, and members of an order approved 
by the Church. By this means many misunder- 
standings were avoided which had been the 
greatest cause of failure until then. 1 

At the chapter of St. Michael, the next year, a 
Papal brief was read enjoining on all the guard- 
ians of the order not to admit any one to pro- 
fession until after one year's probation; 
and, after profession, no one was allowed to 
leave the order. This was a wise precaution, 
as, until then, all sorts of characters had been 
received into the order, with little or no proba- 
tion, — a process which in the beginning had been 
successful, thanks to the personal influence of 
1 Bullar. Francisc, T. I, p. 2. 



St. Francis as a Leader 139 

Francis and the fervor of the little band whose 
life was a continual novitiate. But the increase 
of the order demanded a more careful selection 
and preparation of subjects, and the measure 
enjoining this came from Rome most likely on 
Ugolino's suggestion. 1 

That Cardinal Ugolino had also an important 
share in the preparation and approbation of the 
definitive rule, we know from his own words in 
the Bull " Quo elongati," which he wrote when 
Pope under the name of Gregory IX. 2 

But if it is through the Third Order that the 
Franciscan reform movement became popular, 
and produced its most practical results, it is 
also there that we see most clearly the influence 
of the Church. Until lately, the origin of the 
Third Order was almost unknown. The first 
biographers of the saint, who mention its exist- 
ence only incidentally, did not offer any precise 
information on its origin. The rule printed 
among the works of St. Francis was evidently 
not the original one, but was the rule approved 
by Nicholas IV in 1289. 3 

i Bullar. Francisc, T. I, pp. 19, 27. 

2 Cf. Sabatier's "Spec. Perf.," p. 314. 

3 P. Mandonnet: "Les origines de l'Ordre de 
Poenitentia," "Les Regies et le Reglement de l'Ordre 
de Pcenitentia." P. Sabatier: "Regula Antiqua 
Fratrum et Sororum de Poenitentia." 



140 Character of St. Francis 

In the "Liber de Laudibus Beati Francisci," 
written by Bernardo da Bessa, companion or 
secretary of St. Bonaventure, and edited for the 
first time in 1897, we read the following, which 
shows well the share of Ugolino in the organiza- 
tion of the Third Order, and needs no commen- 
tary: "In the composing of the rules and form of 
life of these (Brothers of the Third Order), the 
Lord Pope Gregory of holy memory, then con- 
stituted in a lower dignity (when cardinal) and 
bound by ties of intimate friendship with Blessed 
Francis, supplied vdevoutly what the holy man 
lacked in the science of redaction." 1 

Again, in the history of the Third Order by 
Mariano di Fiorenza 2 (who belongs, it is true, to 
the sixteenth century, but who had, according to P. 
Sabatier, the advantage of working on docu- 
ments which have not come down to us), we find 
this testimony, which confirms the information 
given by Bernardo da Bessa: "After having 
prayed and being filled with the divine spirit, 
assisted by the counsels and help of the Lord 
Cardinal Ugolino, Cardinal of Ostia, who was 

1 Bern. d. Bessa: "Liber de Laudibus S. Francisci," 
curante P. Hilarino a Lucerna, Romse, 1897, Cap. vii, 
p. 75. 

2 In P. Sabatier's "Tractatus de Indulg. Port.;' 
Paris, 1900, pp. 137-163. 



St. Francis as a Leader 141 

later Pope Gregory IX, he (Francis) com- 
posed and wrote a short form of life (for the 
Third Order) in fourteen chapters. 1 . . St. 
Francis remained with the Cardinal for the com- 
position of this rule and told him what the 
spirit suggested to him, and the Cardinal wrote 
with his own hands and added a few things." 2 
These words tell us what were the respective 
roles of the Church and of Francis in the creation 
of the Third Order, and in the reform movement 
which followed. When Pope Gregory IX pro- 
tected the serfs against their lords by declaring 
the members of the Third Order free from oath 
and military service and entitled to all the 
privileges of religious, 3 he was only carrying out 
a policy which he had carefully laid out with 
his friend Francis; the latter suggested, while he 
himself tested, corrected and approved, and we 
may well believe the historian of St. Francis 
when he wrote: "Beatus pater (Franciscus) 
necessaria providebat, sed felix Dominus (Cardi- 
nalis) ilia pro visa effectui mancipabat." 4 

1 On number of chapters cf. P. Mandonnet: "Les 
regies, etc. . . .," p. 230 ff. 

2 P. Sabatier: "Tractat. de Ind.," p. 161. 

3 Bullar. Franc, pp. 30, 65. 
4 1 Cel., 74. 



PART III 

THE IDEAS OF ST. FRANCIS ON SOCIAL 

REFORM 



CHAPTER L— COMPREHENSIVE 
REFORM. 

THE success of Francis as a social reformer 
is largely accounted for by his personality. 
He was admired and loved by the people among 
whom he lived and worked : they saw in him the 
true Italian, as well as the saint; his emotional, 
idealistic, and mystic nature captivated them; 
they believed in the mission which he had 
received from Heaven and which he accomplished 
with so* much conviction and enthusiasm, but 
also with so much simplicity and love. 

Yet, however popular the reformer may have 
been, his success would have been of short dura- 
tion had not his reform ideas been acceptable . 
The need of a reform and the striving for an ideal 
of reform could not be satisfied with empty 
words of enthusiasm alone. Eccentric reformers 
were abundant in the Middle Ages, and they 
traveled from East to West and from North to 
South, under the name of troubadours, jongleurs, 
or pilgrims, denouncing the evils of society 
but offering no hope; history has not even 



146 Francis on Social Refor 



m 



recorded their names, except in a few isolated 
cases. Others, prominent among whom were 
the Albigenses and the Waldenses, endeavored 
to organize movements. But the people of the 
thirteenth century were not to be satisfied 
by the first reform proposed. They were 
young and enthusiastic, it is true, and they 
seized eagerly any project which might give 
them the hope of a reform; but they were quick 
to discover illusions. Francis, however, brought 
them the reform which satisfied their aspirations, 
and which was accepted not only by the Umbrian 
peasants, but by all classes and in all countries 
of Europe as well as in Italy, and which brought 
about a social amelioration that lasted as long 
as the ideal on which it was based preserved its 
original purity in the minds and conduct of 
the people. 

It may seem strange to speak of Francis's 
social ideas. The reformer of our time has the 
advantage of definite knowledge of social facts, 
social conditions, social evils, and partial and 
supposed remedies. Social processes are well 
understood, and the real nature of social con- 
ditions is recognized in a manner far more 
objective than in the thirteenth century. Though 
St. Francis was keenly sensitive to the misfor- 



Comprehensive Reform 147 

tunes which he witnessed, he had little social 
knowledge, less social experience, and prac- 
tically no understanding of the ordinary proc- 
esses of life. We can expect in him no complex 
reasoning, no formulation of far-reaching laws, 
no grasp of institutional processes. By a simple 
process of mind, he saw, in concrete images, God, 
the soul, the Church, the devil, sin; no other 
more elaborate plan of action suggested itself to 
him. He made a simple appeal to the will of those 
who did not live up to the standard of Christian 
life. 

Hence, it is evident that we may not expect to 
find anywhere in Francis's writings and sayings, 
or in the writings of those who knew him and 
heard him, any exposition of his views on reform. 
Still less can we say that Francis had no particular 
social principles or views; his whole life and 
work show in him the presence of well-anchored 
convictions; the ready acceptance of Francis's 
reform by his contemporaries and the rejection 
of all others show that there were in his 
manner of reform ideas and principles 
which gave to it a solid foundation. A brief 
study of his work reveals an interesting and 
consistent set of views, probably to a large 
extent unconsciously held by our reformer. We 



148 Francis on Social Reform 

will attempt to discover these principles in his 
actions, in the practices which he recommended, 
and in the institutions which he founded. 

The reform of the Christian world was not 
the sole aim of Francis. His ambition went still 
further, and embraced all mankind; heathens as 
well as Christians were to feel the influence of 
his reform. It was in intention an international 
movement. We have seen Francis traveling not 
only through Italy, but through Spain, France, 
and even as far as Egypt and Palestine; 
and if he did not go still farther, it is 
because he was prevented from so doing 
by his infirmities and by the counsels of 
Cardinal Ugolino, the Protector of the order, 
whom Francis humbly considered as his superior. 
Unable to go himself and preach to all conversion 
and reform, he sent his brethren to all parts of 
the world. 

However, he wished his personal influence as 
well to reach all men. Hence, he wrote circular 
letters and caused them to be carried, read, 
copied and distributed by his brethren and others 
to the people of the most distant regions. We 
have two letters of Francis addressed to "All 
Christians, religious, priests, laymen and women, 
and to all who dwell in the world." "I, being 



Comprehensive Reform 149 

the servant of all," he says, in the second of these 
letters, "am bound to serve all and to minister 
to all the most sweet words of my Lord. Where- 
fore, considering in my mind that on account of 
my infirmities and the weakness of my body, I 
can not visit personally each one, I desire by this 
letter to announce unto you the words of my 
Lord Jesus Christ, who is the eternal Word of 
the Father, and also the words of the Holy Ghost, 
which are spirit and life." 1 

Besides these general letters, Francis addressed 
others to those who could have a greater influence 
in the reform which he contemplated, or who 
needed special advice. 

One is addressed "To my Reverend Masters, 
all the Clerics of the whole world, who live 
according to the rules of the Catholic faith, 
little brother Francis, their least servant, greet- 
ing with all reverence, and kissing their feet." 2 

Another he addressed "To all those who are 
in authority, to counselors, judges, governors in 
all parts of the world, and to all others whom 
these letters may reach." 3 To all, clerics and 

1 "Opuscula S. P. Franc." Quaracchi, 1904, Epist. 
la. In the old ed. Ep. la et 2a. 

2 "Beat. P. Franc. Ass. Op." Epist. 13a; left out of 
the Quaracchi edition. 

3 "Opuscula S. P. Franc." Quaracchi, 1904, 
Epist. 4a. 



150 Francis on Social Reform 

faithful, rulers and subjects, he gave advice 
appropriate to their position and their office. 

The Franciscans were preeminently the apos- 
tles of the working people. Yet we must be 
careful not to limit their influence to a certain 
class of society. The Franciscans came from 
every class of society and went to every class 
of society. The first companion of Francis was 
Bernardo, one of the rich men of Assisi; 1 his sec- 
ond companion was a canon of the Church; 2 
another, Brother Pacificus, was a professional 
poet and "laureate troubadour of Frederick II;" 8 
Brother Angelo Tancredi was a knight; 4 Brother 
Giovanni, a farmer, 5 etc., etc. Their field of action 
also included all society — they visited not only far- 
mers and townspeople, but also the clergy and the 
lords. Like the troubadours, they went to the 
castles, into the very halls where the lord and 
his guests were rejoicing amidst all the bright 
lights, rich ornaments, sumptuous furniture; 
there the Franciscans felt at home as well as in 
the hovels of the poor; there they preached the 
word of God and reform, and often with wonder- 

* 1 Cel., 24. 3 Soc, 27. Bon., 28. 

2 Wadd., an. 1209, n. 9. 

» Bon., 50,51. 

4 Wadd., an. 1210, n. 3. 

b Wadd., an. 1215, n. 5. 



Comprehensive Reform 151 

ful success. We know also that their preferred 
waiting-places, besides the lazar-houses, were the 
houses of the priests, " poor or rich, good or 
wicked," and that they swept the churches and 
cared for the altar linen and everything that 
was used in the sacrifice of the Mass. 1 

Their simple and cheerful way was successful 
with all. "Their penetrating words went to 
the hearts of all, young and old; and those who 
heard them, leaving father and mother and all 
they possessed, followed the brothers and took 
the habit of the order. Not only the men were 
converted, but women, virgins and widows, 
touched by the preaching of the brothers, entered 
the convents which had been built for them in 
the towns and villages. In the same way, 
married women and men, not being able to 
dissolve the bond of marriage which united them, 
subjected themselves in their own houses to a 
life of penance still more severe. It is in this 
way," add the Three Companions, " that by the 
Blessed Francis, the perfect worshipper of the 
Blessed Trinity, the Church of God was restored 
through the three orders which he had insti- 
tuted." 2 There was not a class of society which 

1 3 Soc., 59. Bern, da Bessa: "Liber de Laudibus," 
Cap. 2. 

2 3 Soc., 60. 



152 Francis on Social Reform 

could not find in one of these three orders a life 
of perfection appropriate to its condition, and 
to the fervor of the individuals. Priests, knights, 
princes, left everything and joined the first order. 
Virgins and widows of all conditions entered the 
convents of the Poor Ladies. But the vast 
majority of the Christian world were bound by 
ties and duties which did not allow them to give 
up everything and embrace the life of a Friar 
Minor or of a Poor Lady. Francis understood 
it, and could not suffer such an immense 
number of Christians to escape his influence. 
Hence he instituted the Third Order, into which 
thousands of Christians flocked from all classes, 
from all conditions, from all countries, rich and 
poor, married and single, artisans and farmers, 
merchants and princes. 

Francis's object in his reform work was uni- 
versal. It included at the same time all social 
aspects, as well as all men. Francis was neither 
a politician nor an economist; yet the reform of 
both the political and the economic orders was 
within the bounds of his zeal and ambition. 
It was an integral reform, embracing all the 
activities of man. Francis's object being to bring 
peace and happiness to all, he could not allow 
any misery to be unrelieved; and if the serfs 



Comprehensive Reform 153 

suffered under the political domination of the 
lords, if the lords abused the power which the 
feudal system had laid in their hands, if the poor 
were oppressed by the rich, if the working 
classes were the mere tools of the land-owners, 
Francis, faithful to his mission, would go to all, 
console, encourage, strengthen, assist all, and 
communicate to all his joy and his spirit. 

To express the same thought in a way which 
was perhaps nearer to Francis's own conception, 
his object was to reform not only all men, but the 
entire man. We distinguish in man the natural 
and the supernatural element, the spiritual 
and the material. Francis had no philosophical 
view of these distinctions. He saw everything 
in concrete pictures, and his view of the soul and 
body was most concrete. For him the body was 
a cell in which the soul lived like a hermit; the 
body was a servant and the soul the master. 1 
Yet both had their rights, and at the end of his 
life Francis reproached himself with having per- 
haps been too hard on his brother the body. In 
his reform, the material part of man had a share 
as well as the spiritual and supernatural part. 
The lepers were the first unfortunates • who 
received Francis's cares, and he always had the 

ill Cel., Ill, 69. Spec. Perf., Cap. 97. 



154 Francis on Social Reform 

greatest love for those subject to physical suffer- 
ing. In all his rules there is a special article for 
the care of sick members. 1 We have seen all he 
did for the lepers himself, what he did through 
his brethren and the members of the Third Order, 
and we know how he loved to relieve the poor in 
their wants, giving to one the alms he had just 
received, to another his cloak, 2 or the only New 
Testament which the community owned. 3 

Brother the body was the creature of God, 
and as such, had all Francis's sympathy. Yet, 
in his mind, it was always subordinate to the 
higher power in man, — the soul. God had 
created the body for the soul, the cell for the 
hermit, the* servant for the master. Francis 
understood instinctively, or rather saw, — to speak 
more in accordance with his mystical process of 
mind, — the dignity of the human soul. Through 
the body he tried to reach the soul. The body was 
to be kept in subjection or nourished according 
to the needs of the soul. When he blamed his 
brethren for having refused an alms to the 

1 Reg. la, Cap. x; Reg. 2a, Cap. vi; Reg. Stae. 
Clarae, Cap. viii (this rule not in the Quaracchi 
edition). Reg. Ant. Tertii Ordinis (Sabatier), Cap. viii. 

2 II Cel, III, 30-34. Bon., 108. Spec. Perf., Cap. 
29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 63. 

3 II Cel., Ill, 35. Spec. Perf., Cap. 38. 



Comprehensive Reform 155 

brigands, it was because he saw in the alms the 
first step toward spiritual reform : " Go and 
get some good bread and good wine and bring 
them to these brigands. Call them, * Brother 
Brigands, come to us, for we are all brethren, 
and we bring you good bread and good wine.' 
Then you will prepare the table and serve them 
with humility and cordiality. After the meal 
you will announce to them the word of God, 
and ask them to promise you for the love of God 
not to strike or hurt any one. On account of 
your humility and the charity you will show 
them, they will immediately promise you." 1 

Yet again, Francis subordinated the natural 
to the supernatural, and his ultimate end was 
the conversion to God and to grace. Speaking 
to the same brethren who had refused an alms 
to the brigands, he added: "The next day after 
having obtained their promise not to hurt any 
one, you will bring them, besides the bread and 
the wine, some cheese and some eggs, and after 
having served them at the meal, you will say to 
them : ' Why do you stay here all day, dying with 
hunger, suffering, doing evil, and at the same time 
losing your soul? Why not be converted? It 

1 Spec. Perf., Cap. 66. Actus B.* Franc, Cap. 29. 
Fioretti, Cap. 26. 



156 Francis on Social Reform 

is better to serve God, and besides giving you 
what is necessary for your body, He will save 
your souls/" 1 

Francis saw, not by any philosophical process, 
but by intuition, the perfect order which 
must exist in nature: over all, God and the 
supernatural world; in man the spiritual part, 
and subject to it, the material part; below man 
all creation made to subserve man's wants arid 
to bring him to happiness and to God. He 
saw, at the same time, that no reform could be 
thorough unless it affected man in all his rela- 
tions. Hence, he set to work to accomplish a 
comprehensive reform, but he never lost sight of 
the respective importance of these relations. 
The body must remain subject to the soul and 
help the soul to reach its end; and if physical 
sufferings are worthy of Francis's sympathy and 
cares, he also intended that the body must suffer 
sometimes for the good of the soul. Francis was 
the first to give the example of bodily mortifi- 
cation and to recommend it to his brethren. In 
the same way he aimed at economic and political 
reform; but it was only to bring peace to men, 
and in this way to eliminate the elements of 
enmity, hatred, revenge, which are contrary to 

1 Spec. Perf., Cap. 66. Act., Cap. 29. Fior., Cap. 26. 



Comprehensive Reform 157 

the Christian spirit that Christ had come to 
instil into the world, and which Francis had now 
the mission to renew. 

This comprehensive view of reform, instinctive 
in Francis, is well worthy of our attention. It 
was a novelty in the history of reform, although 
not new, since it was only the Gospel view,which, 
in fact, Francis simply taught. Other religious 
orders had been founded for special and limited 
purposes: — for hospitals, for the reform of 
monastic life, for the care of pilgrims, for the 
reform of the clergy, etc.; — it was only one 
particular class or one particular aspect of man 
which was aimed at. The Franciscan ambition 
had no other limits than those of the created 
world; it aimed at retorming all men and every 
thing in man. 



CHAPTER II.— RELIGIOUS REFORM. 

l^RANCIS regarded the supernatural part of 
A man as predominant; hence he placed re- 
ligion at the basis of his reform. 

It was through religion that he himself became 
a reformer: from the world to God, and from 
God to reform. His mystic soul had seen, as 
in a vision, the little troop of Christ's followers 
and the Christian Church t)f the first centuries, 
with peace, love, and happiness reigning among 
all the members. It was the same religion which 
men professed in Francis's time: they had the 
same head, the same doctrines, the same prac- 
tices; but the absence of peace, love, and happi- 
ness in the Christianity of the thirteenth century, 
brought it into sad contrast with the original 
Church. Francis had these two pictures 
always present before him: the original and 
genuine Christian, the degenerate Christian of 
his time; and all his efforts had for their object 
the restoration of the spirit and life of the first 
Christians. He believed that the only way to 
accomplish this reform was to bring all men into 



Religious Reform 159 

the Church, and enable them to remain true 
to its teaching. 

The conversion of souls and their return to 
pure Christian life was Francis's work, and the 
means adopted were largely religious. The 
Third Order was before all a religious order, and a 
school of the Christian spirit and Christian vir- 
tue. The other two orders aimed essentially at 
Christian perfection. Prayer and supernatural 
merit were to avail more in the work of reform 
than human activity. He was accustomed to 
say "that his poor, humble, and simple brothers, 
though they did not know it, converted more 
men by their prayers and their tears than those 
who expected to excite the admiration of the 
people by their science and their preaching." 1 

The principles of reform in Francis's mind 
were drawn from the Gospel, and the teaching 
of the Church — Christian charity, Christian pen- 
ance, and with all, the spirit of poverty. Few 
modern reformers contemplate a complete social 
reform based on religion, while penance and 
poverty are scarcely thought of. 

The Apostles had reformed the world by the 
Gospel; under its influence the family was regen- 
erated, labor became a duty and an honorable 

1 Spec. Perf., Cap. 72. 



160 Francis on Social Reform 

occupation, justice replaced oppression, charity 
united those who were separated; luxury, cupidity, 
were disgraced, poverty was honored. The Chris- 
tian world had prospered as long as it had 
adhered to these principles, and it had degen- 
erated in proportion as it had fallen away from 
them. The conclusion was evident in Francis's 
mind : if he could but bring the Gospel home to 
the people, the Christian world would be saved 
again. 

The Gospel recommends peace, charity, pen- 
ance, self-sacrifice. Not a few of our modern 
reformers begin their work by setting at war 
rich and poor, capitalists and workingmen, great 
and small, and they throw before the eyes of 
a discontented people the picture of a future 
state in which there will be no privation, no 
sacrifice. Francis, on the contrary, began by 
preaching peace: "God give you His peace!" 
This was his constant salutation to passers-by, 
as well as the introduction to all his sermons. 
This peace, to his mind, was the first condition 
of social reform. Charity must follow in the 
wake of peace* Our Lord had brought 
peace on earth to men of good will; but He 
wished charity to be the characteristic virtue 

1 1 Cel., 23. 3 Soc, 26. 



Religious Reform 161 

of those who embraced the Christian ideal: 
"Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with thy 
whole heart, and with thy whole soul and with 
thy whole mind. This is the greatest and first 
commandment. And the second is like 
this: Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself. 
On these two commandments dependeth the 
whole law and the prophets." 1 Francis depended 
on these two principles for his social reform. 
He spoke as St. John had spoken: "Love 
one another, my dear children." The world was 
to be for him, like for F. Denison Maurice, a 
great family; not the battle-field of " individual 
competitors, but a divine family expanding 
itself into a divine nation." 2 The Christian 
religion teaches the necessity of penance and 
self-sacrifice; Francis taught these to the world.. 
"I have never consented to receive all that I 
needed," said Francis, "lest by so doing I might 
deprive other poor of what is necessary to 
them." 3 Ordinarily, reform movements will insist 
on rights and self-assertion, neglecting in a 
measure, if not totally, reciprocal duties. St. 
Francis inverted this order by insisting upon 

1 Mat. xxii, 37-40. 

2 "The tracts of Christian Socialism," 1st Tract, 
1840. 

8 Spec. Perf., Cap. 12. 



162 Francis on Social Re for 



m 



duty and having recourse to the Catholic 
doctrine of penance and sacrifice; inculcating 
on all, rich and poor, powerful and weak, 
the necessity and advantages of a generous 
Christian disinterestedness, he struck at the 
heart of the difficulty. 

He advocated the literal application of the 
Gospel principles in his own life and in that of 
his brethren. As a matter of perfection, he 
wished to imitate the Gospel as perfectly as 
possible: the "vende omnia . . .," "nihil 
tuleritis in via . . .," "nolite solliciti esse in 
crastina die . . .," of the Gospel were for 
him rules of conduct, which he most scrupulously 
observed and wished to be observed by his 
brethren. Christian perfection was made con- 
crete for him in the great models — Christ and 
the Apostles. He also wished to be an example 
to the world, and he knew that this example would 
be efficacious in proportion to the resemblance 
which he and his companions would bear to the 
great models of Cnristianity. The spirit of the 
Middle Ages admitted of no compromise, par- 
ticularly in the matter of religion; hence, Francis 
merely accommodated himself to his time in 
imitating as literally as possible the life of Christ 
and His Apostles. 



Religious Reform 163 

But, it must be added, that as regards universal 
application, Francis did not advocate the same 
literal understanding of the Gospel. In fact, he 
was poorly acquainted with the letter of the 
Gospel, and, as has been remarked by Mr. Paul 
Sabatier, his quotations from the Bible; though 
abundant, represent rather the spirit than the 
text. 1 

That Francis did not interpret the text too 
literally, we see from the following incident: — 

A doctor of the order of the Friars Preachers 
came to him to ask him how he should interpret 
this text from Ezechiel: "If thou declare not to 
the wicked, that he may be converted from his 
wicked way, and live, I will require his blood at 
thy hands." 2 "For," he added, "good Father, 
I know many who live in the state of mortal 
sin, whom I do not warn of their sin ; will the souls 
of these men be required at my hands?" Fran- 
cis, having protested that he was ignorant and 
needed rather to be taught than to teach the 
interpretation of Scriptures, was begged again to 
speak his mind on the difficulty. Finally he 
said: "If these words are to be understood uni- 
versally, I would interpret them in this sense, 

1 P. Sabatier's "Spec. Perf.," p. xxix, note 1. 

2 Ezech. iii, 18. 



164 Francis on Social Reform 

that the servant of God must be so ardent in 
God's service and so resplendent with holiness 
that all sinners may find in his very life and 
example a reproof of their sins. In this way the 
splendor of his life and the odor of his sanctity 
will be a continual warning to all sinners." The 
Dominican left, filled with admiration. "Our 
theology," he said, "creeps on the earth; the 
theology of this man, resting on purity and con- 
templation, is a flying eagle." 1 

There was indeed a whole treatise of Christian 
social theology in these few words, and Francis's 
practice was not short of his theory. Christ had 
been a model to all men, and by the splendor of 
His holiness had been a reproof and a lesson to 
sinners. Francis wished to be an example to 
his brethren, and he wished them to be examples 
to the world. 

The sight of these men, some coming from the 
highest classes of society, sacrificing everything 
and living in absolute poverty, could not fail to 
make a strong impression on the religious people 
of Francis's time. The peace to which the 
Apostles exhorted, they themselves maintained 
in their lives. "As your mouth announces 
peace," said Francis, "so let this peace be in 

» II Cel., Ill, 46. Bon., 153. Spec. Perf., Cap. 53. 



Religious Reform 165 

your heart, and in greater abundance. Let no 
one be provoked to anger or scandalized by you; 
but let all, by your meekness, be incited to peace, 
kindness, and concord." 1 They loved one another 
sincerely, were happy in one another's company. 2 
The penance which they preached they first 
practised themselves. "The Lord has granted 
me first to do penance," says St. Francis in his 
Testament; the first name of the followers of St. 
Francis was " the Penitents from Assisi." 3 They 
did more than they required from others. They 
observed the Gospel counsels, while from other 
men they demanded simply the observance of 
the precepts. From the rich they demanded 
charity, self-sacrifice, and condescension; but they 
themselves had first of all given the best proof 
of their charity, self-sacrifice, and condescension 
in distributing their goods to the poor, and 
embracing voluntary poverty. From the poor 
they demanded patience, respect for superiors, 
and a just appreciation of the conditions in which 
Providence had placed them; but they them- 
selves gave the best example not only of patience 
under the privations of poverty, but of heavenly 

1 1 CeL, 23. 3 Soc, 58. 

2 3 Soc, 45. 

3 3 Soc, 37. 



166 Francis on Social Reform 

joy in the possession of a virtue which they 
loved more truly than all the treasures of the 
world. 

To make this spirit of sacrifice, penance, and 
patience more acceptable and even dear to the 
people, Francis gave it a concrete form and 
presented it to them, as it were, summed up in a 
beautiful Christian ideal, the object of all his 
love and all his attention — Lady Poverty. What 
seems to our modern mind an anomaly, was then 
a flash of genius. 1 Francis aimed at making all 
men poor. He wished all men to be poor in 
spirit; not only poor, but happy. "Blessed are 
the poor in spirit . . ." The spirit of the 
poverty which he demanded from them, and to 
a great extent obtained, was Christian, — on the 
part of the really poor, a sincere love of their 
condition which rendered them more like their 
divine Master; on the part of the rich, the detach- 
ment from their goods and a tender care of those 
whom God's providence had placed on a lower 
level in the social scale, but who were their equals 
and often their superiors before God. "It will 

1 However, the Franciscan idea of poverty was 
attacked in the thirteenth century, v. g. by William 
of St. Amour, whom Bonaventure answered by his 
"Apology of the poor." 



Religious Reform 167 

remain one of the greatest glories of St. Francis, 
the 'Poverello' of Assisi, to have given to the 
world the true Christian notion of poverty, so 
long forgotten, — a poverty which is not an absti- 
nence, a renouncement, but a victory, a treas- 
ure. . . ," 1 Not only is it easier to ascend 
to heaven from a hut than from a palace, as 
Francis used to say, but the poor in spirit give 
up the possession of things external and tem- 
poral only to enter into possession of better and 
higher goods : freedom of mind, universal brother- 
hood, possession and enjoyment, internal and 
mystical, of all creatures of the universe. The 
rich man, bent only on material gains and 
material fortune, possesses and enjoys only a 
few lands and a limited amount of money, and 
this possession and enjoyment are continually 
marred by fear of loss and by difficulties of all 
kinds: on the contrary, he who is poor in spirit 
has snatched his heart from such petty loves, 
and now possesses God and enjoys His divine 
company; he possesses all the universe, and 
shares in the common concert which rises from 
earth to heaven: "Blessed are the poor . . ." 

1 P. Saba tier in the "Conferenze Dantesche," Vol. 
II, "St. Francois et le mouvement religieux au treiz- 
ieme siecle," p. 143. 



168 Francis on Social Reform 

Such was the conception of poverty in Francis's 
mind; it was the Christian view of poverty, 
though perhaps carried to an idealism which 
does not strike our age so forcibly as it did the 
age of Francis, but which was then in perfect 
accord with the better thoughts, spirit, and 
aspirations of men. 

This idealization of poverty gives us the clue 
to what might appear at first a difficulty in 
Francis's plan of reform, and might at the same 
time indicate a lack of soundness in his social 
principles. We allude to the mendicancy among 
the Franciscans, who were one of the first 
mendicant orders. A social reform which 
encourages and prompts mendicity must neces- 
sarily defeat its object. In the beginning it was 
only an extreme measure among the Friars 
Minor, as the rule of 1221 shows : " It is forbidden 
to the brothers to receive through themselves or 
through others, to seek through themselves or 
through others, any money. The brothers, how- 
ever, in the case of the manifest necessity of the 
lepers may seek alms for them." 1 Later, it is 
true, it became more frequent, and the rule of 

1 Reg. la, Cap. vii, viii, ix. Cf. also P. Saba tier: 
Spec. Perf., p. 64, note 1. Miiller: "Die Anfange des 
Minoritenordens," p. 35. 



Religious Reform 169 

1223 simply says that the brothers "must go 
for alms with confidence." 1 Yet it was rather 
as a means of practising the spirit of poverty 
than as a general rule, and the brethren were 
never allowed to receive any money, nor any- 
thing that was not strictly necessary for their 
support. In his Testament, Francis authorized 
mendicancy only in case of necessity: "When 
we do not receive the price of our work, let us 
have recourse to the table of the Lord, and 
openly beg for alms." 2 

Besides, this example of mendicity, which in 
our time would probably work more harm than 
good, could be and was, in Francis's time, a 
means of reform. In the eyes of this young popu- 
lation of the thirteenth century, virtues and les- 
sons appeared at their best when realized in some 
concrete image; and Francis wished his brethren 
to realize in themselves the concrete image of 
poverty, and they went around begging because 
begging was recognized as one of the character- 
istics of the poor. 

"Very dear brethren and my little children," 
Francis said to his followers, " do not be ashamed 
to go begging, for the Lord has made Himself 

1 Reg. 2a, Cap. vi. Miiller: op. cit., p. 78 ff. 

2 Testamentum. 



170 Francis on Social Reform 

poor for our sake in this world, and it is after 
His example that we have chosen the true pov- 
erty." 1 Moreover, Francis and his companions not 
only worked at manual labor, and through their 
labor were to support themselves and the mem- 
bers of the community unable to work; they also 
preached the word of God, and if the Gospel 
says that the spiritual laborer is worthy of his 
hire, they were perfectly justified when they 
begged and received material bread in ex- 
change for the spiritual bread which they gave 
to the people. 

Judged by the standard of the Gospel, and 
the light of the time, there is nothing to reprove in 
this conduct of Francis and of the first Francis- 
cans. What confirms this view is that Francis 
never advised or encouraged begging outside of 
his order; though subordinating labor to prayer 
and corporal care to spiritual, he ever ex- 
horted all to labor diligently. Mendicancy 
was only an instrument towards a spiritual 
good; it fostered humility and it excited in 
all hearts a greater admiration and a greater 
love for St. Francis's favorite virtue, person- 
ified by his Lady Poverty. If we judge him 
according to the standard by which he was guided 

• II CeL, III, 20. Spec. Perf., Cap. 18, 22. 



Religious Reform 171 

— the Gospel and the supernatural — his attitude 
on mendicancy will not appear strange. "But 
the sensual man perceiveth not the things that 
are of the spirit of God: for it is foolishness to 
him, and he cannot understand: . . . But the 
spiritual man judgeth all things : . . . for who hath 
known the mind of the Lord, that he may instruct 
him? But we have the mind of Christ." 1 
Francis lived, believed, loved and taught from 
God's point of view as he understood it. If we 
wish to judge him fairly we must keep this in 
mind. 

Francis's reform was primarily religious, 
and he looked at poverty and mendicity 
from a strictly religious point of view. Yet his 
love for Christian poverty carried him to extremes 
which neither sound principles of political econ- 
omy and social reform, nor sound religious 
principles would approve. He loved beggars, 
whoever they were, wherever they came from, 
whatever might have been the cause of their 
state. He gave to all without distinction, shared 
with them all that he had, — his cloak being often 
the object of his generosity, — and always with- 
out discrimination. Once a companion passed 
an uncharitable remark on a beggar whom 

* I Cor. ii, 14-16. 



172 Francis on Social Reform 

he had met: "Brother," he said to Francis, 
"it is true that this man looks poor enough, 
but perhaps there is not one in the whole province 
richer in spirit." Francis was shocked by such 
a remark and immediately ordered the guilty 
brother to take off his tunic and prostrate himself 
naked before the poor man, asking for his par- 
don and his prayers. "And," he added by way 
of lesson, " do you know the gravity of your sin 
against this poor man, against Christ Himself? 
When you see a poor man you must consider 
in him Christ Himself, whom he represents, 
Christ who has assumed our poverty and our 
infirmity; for the infirmity and poverty of this 
man are for us a mirror through which we must 
see and consider with piety the infirmity and 
poverty of Our Lord Jesus Christ." 1 

In this we recognize the mystic Francis, to 
whom every being in this world represented 
something higher and greater. He saw God in 
all creatures, but he more particularly saw 
Christ in the poor, and an offense against a poor 
man became for him an offense against the person 
of Christ: hence the danger of exaggeration. It 
is an ideal view of poverty which may strike an 
idealist's nature; but, when carried too far and 

> II Cel., Ill, 29. Spec. Perf., Cap. 37. 



Religious Reform 173 

acted upon without discrimination, it is a poor 
means of social reform. To bestow alms on the 
poor indiscriminately and independently of the cir- 
cumstances of the case, merely because they are 
taken to represent Christ in poverty, is scarcely 
wise from any standpoint of constructive reform. 
It is true, Francis's primary object being 
religious reform, he considered almsgiving as an 
act of religion rather than a means of social 
reform. It is true also, that at the time in 
which Francis lived, men had ideals of almsgiving 
altogether different from those which we have 
to-day: they gave indiscriminately and to all, 
for the sole merit of giving. 1 Yet we cannot 
help thinking that such indiscriminate almsgiving 
must have often encouraged idleness, and stifled 
the impulse to industry which should have been 
cultivated. 

1 Georg. Ratzinger: "Geschichte der kirchlichen 
Armenpflege," 2nd ed. Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 188-4. 



CHAPTER III.— CONSERVATIVE 
REFORM. 

THE reformation of society does not neces- 
sarily imply a change of social principles 
and institutions, since these are not always the 
cause of social evils. Yet, as a matter of fact, 
reformers seldom stop short of the institutions 
and principles: they appeal from monarchy to 
democracy, and from individualism to socialism. 
The social reformers of the end of the twelfth 
and beginning of the thirteenth century acted 
in the same way. Arnauld di Brescia had 
attacked the right of temporal possession of 
wealth by the Church, not simply as a fact, but 
as a principle; the followers of Pierre Waldo 
denied several essential doctrines of the Church, 
and the Albigenses opposed the whole actual 
social order, — the Church, property, marriage, 
etc. — as intrinsically bad. 

The reform spirit of Francis was very different. 
Most conservative in his principles, censuring 
none of the existing institutions, whether in 



Conservative Reform 175 

the religious, political, or economic domain, his 
reform was essentially a reform of society 
through individual virtue. 

We have already seen that Francis never 
attacked the Church, her dogmas, nor her hier- 
archy, as most of the reformers of his time had 
done. He loved the Church as his Mother, 1 and 
thought there was no salvation outside of it; 5 
he had the greatest respect for the Lord Pope; 3 
for the Cardinal Protector of the order, 4 for the 
priests, even those who did not live a very 
exemplary life, because he saw in them the dig- 
nity more than the man. 5 

As to the dogmas and principles of the Church, 
he neither attacked them, nor attempted to 
identify them with his movement in any way. 
Not that he did not love the Catholic truths which 
he had heard from his mother, or at the school 
of Santo Giorgio; these were all included in his 
love for religion, for the Church, or rather for 
Christ, for the saints, for the Pope, for the 
priests and for every thing which came from the 

1 Spec. Perf., Cap. 78. 
^ I Cel., 62. 

3 1 Cel., 32. 3 Soc, 46. Bon., 34. 
4 Testam. 

5 1 Cel., 46, 62, 75. 3 Soc.,57, 59. Spec. Perf., Cap. 
54. Reg. la, Cap. x\t. 



176 Francis on Social Reform 

mouth of Christ or His representatives. But he 
had a distrust for theology as a science. 

During the first years of his reform work it 
was even more than distrust; it was antipathy. 1 
Learning, to his mind, was little suited to simple 
and poor men, such as he wished the Friars Minor 
to be. Their only science was to be the contem- 
plation of the love of God, the science of the 
mystic. 2 It was not by theological science that 
the Friars Minor would convert the world, but by 
humility, simplicity and prayer. 3 In fact he 
thought that science would constitute an obstacle 
to the reform which he contemplated. Science, 
as Francis experienced it in his time, often led to 
the denial of the doctrines of the Church: " Those 
who are puffed up by the wind of science," he 
said, "distort the truth, say that the truth is 
error, and, as blind men, deceive those who 
walk in the truth. But on the day of judgment, 
the error and falsity of their opinions, which they 
will have preached as truths, and by which they 

1 Cf. P. Sabatier: "Vie de St. Francois," Chap, xvi, 
"Les Freres Mineurs et la science." H. Thode: "Franz 
von Assisi," pp. 378-385, "Die wissenschaftlichen 
Bestrebungen der Franciscaner." L. Le Monnier: 
Vol. II, pp. 60-66, 75-85. 

2 Spec. Perf., Cap. 4. 

3 Bon., 103. Spec. Perf., Cap. 72. 



Conservative Reform 177 

will have thrown many souls into the abyss of 
blindness, will end in suffering, confusion, and 
shame, and they and their tenebrous opinions 
will be drowned in exterior darkness." 1 He pre- 
dicted that the "Scientia inflativa" would soon 
be the occasion of ruin to the order. 2 

On his return from the Orient, if we may 
credit the statement of some of his later his- 
torians, he simply closed the school of theology 
which Giovanni di Strachia, provincial of Bologna, 
had opened without permission, and at the next 
general chapter publicly cursed this man who had 
dared reopen it in spite of his formal prohibition. 3 

Later on he abated somewhat this dislike for 
science. However, he never favored it much; 
he wrote in his definitive rule: "Let those who 
do not know letters not try to learn them." 4 
He always preferred the simple and the ignorant 
to the learned, with the exception that he loved 
poets and poetry ardently. He did at last admit 
into the order men who had made science and 
preaching their profession, like Nicolo Pepoli, who 
had taught at Bologna, and two of his students, 

iSpec. Perf., Cap. 72. 
" Spec. Perf., Cap. 69. 

3 P. Sabatier's Spec. Perf., p. 16, n. 1. 

4 Reg. 2a, Cap. x. 



178 Francis on Social Reform 

as also St. Anthony of Padua and Alexander of 
Hales. This was followed by a movement in 
favor of science, a movement which developed so 
rapidly that the Franciscans soon became the 
rivals of the Dominicans in all branches of 
learning. 

While* Francis continued to protest against 
the "Scientia inflativa," he permitted his follow- 
ers to study, provided they remained faithful in 
prayer and simplicity; yet he understood science, 
even then, not so much as an end, as a means of 
perfection, and his distrust was still strong. "I 
am willing," he said, "that some of the brothers 
should study Holy Scripture, provided accord- 
ing to the example of Christ, who is said to have 
prayed rather than to have read, they do not 
omit the duty of prayer. Let them learn, not 
only that they may know how to speak, but that 
they may practice what they learn and propose 
it to the imitation of others." 1 

This dislike of science is easily understood if 
we believe with Newman that "Poetry is the 
antagonist of Science." Science analyzes, syn- 
thetizes, reasons, draws conclusions from firmly 
established premises, shows the relations of means 
to end, distinguishes principles and their applica- 

1 Bon., 152. 



Conservative Reform 179 

tions, while the processes in the mind of St. 
Francis were anything but these. He was a 
stranger to the processes of logic and discursive 
calculation. He was impulsive and emotional 
as children are. He was a poet. 

With such views on theology, there could be 
no danger of an attack on the dogmas and 
principles of the Church. The conservatism of 
St. Francis in this regard was absolute. 

In the political order as well, Francis was con- 
servative. He attacked neither institutions nor 
principles. When the Emperor Otto was on 
his way to Rome to receive the imperial crown, 
Francis refused to go to see him, and only 
allowed one of his brethren to meet him and 
announce that his reign would be of short dura- 
tion; 1 this was not contempt of political power, 
but rather the desire to show that happiness is 
not to be placed in this power any more than in 
riches. His letters to political rulers, in which 
he calls them his masters, 2 his allusions to the 
dignity of those who wield public power, 3 his 
conduct toward them, 4 show that he was in per- 

« 1 Cel., 43. 

2 "Opusc. Sti. P. Franc. As.," Ep. iv, Quaracchi ed. 

3 Act. Sanct.,Ap. 23, de B. JSgidio, Cap. I, II. 
* Bon., 135. 



180 Francis on Social Reform 

feet sympathy with the institutions of the 
existing order. 

It is true that the movement inaugurated by 
the Third Order hastened, particularly in Italy, 
the disintegration of the greatest political insti- 
tution of the Middle Ages — the feudal system. 
But Francis never dreamed of destroying this 
system; he saw in it abuses, lack of justice 
between lords and serfs, lack of proportion 
between the services rendered by the two respec- 
tive parties; he saw the serfs tod often oppressed 
by their masters: those abuses he tried to 
reform. Perhaps the more experienced hand 
which put the finishing touch to the constitu- 
tion of the Third Order foresaw, or even calcu- 
lated in advance, the events which were to follow 
the reform inaugurated by our Saint, and which 
were finally to lead the feudal system to destruc- 
tion; but that was certainly not in Francis's 
mind. When he heard a serf curse his master 
who had robbed him of his goods, Francis tried 
to appease him, gave him his cloak and made 
him promise not to curse his master any more. 1 

A more radical reformer would have not only 
sympathized with the poor serf, but blamed with 
him both the master and the institution which 

1 II Cel., Ill, 33. Spec. Perf., Cap. 32. 



Conservative Reform 181 

caused such abuses. Francis believed that indi- 
viduals, and not institutions, caused all social 
wrongs. In fact, by the reconciliation which he 
brought about between the "majores" and the 
" minores" of Assisi, by the charter which he then 
inspired, he approved and accepted the divisions 
of men into serfs and lords, and consequently, the 
feudal system as an institution, as well as the 
principles on which it rested. 
• Francis believed that the inequality of classes 
is necessary in any social order. "The rich are 
our brothers," he said once, "for we have all 
been created by the same Creator. They are our 
lords, because they help us in doing penance by 
supplying to us what is necessary for the body." 1 

Other reformers both before, and in, St. 
Francis's time, had seen no other remedy for the 
abuses of wealth than revolt against the rich, 
and the extinction of class. Francis not only 
recognized the distinction of social classes, but 
confirmed it. In his Third Order, members of all 
classes were received without losing the privileges 
of their position; kings and serfs belonged to it, 
but the kings remained kings and the serfs 
remained serfs. 

In Francis's mind, not only did the poor and the 

> 3 Soc, 58. 



182 Francis on Social Reform 

subordinate have claims on the charity of the rich 
and the superiors, but also the useless members 
of society had a right to support and care. 
They were men, they were the creatures of God, 
and this was enough for him. There was in the 
Middle Ages no being more useless than the leper, 
none lower in the social scale, yet none received 
from Francis and his companions more tender 
care. Through them this class of people, so 
numerous in their time, was brought to the 
enjoyment of social rights and services from 
which they had been more or less excluded 
before. 

Francis was also most conservative in the 
economic principles which he unconsciously 
held. Labor, in his conception, was an obliga- 
tion, at least in that order which was to serve 
as an example to the whole world. The time of 
the brothers was divided between prayer and 
labor. 1 The brothers of the first order helped 
the peasants in their fields. 2 "I wish all my 
brothers to work," Francis said, " that we may 
be less burdensome to others and that our heart 
and our tongue may not be exposed to the 
danger of idleness, and those who do not know 

i Spec. Perf., Cap. 10. Reg. la, Cap. vii. 
2 Spec. Perf., Cap. 55. 



Conservative Reform 183 

how to work must learn." 1 "If any man will 
not work, neither let him eat," he said in his first 
rule. 2 To a brother who ate well, drank well, 
and slept well, but prayed little and worked 
less, he said: "Go thy way, Brother Fly, thou 
hast long enough lived like the hornets who 
make no honey and eat that of the bees," and 
without more ado he dismissed him from the 
convent. 3 

He made it a rule that all his brethren should 
work at a trade; if they knew none, they were 
obliged to learn one. 4 They worked in order to 
obtain the things that were necessary for their 
support. 5 

This obligation to labor for the purpose of 
supporting the members of the order and avoid- 
ing idleness does honor to Francis's judgment. 
Monks, before his time, had worked, and this 
work was the source of great benefit to civili- 
zation. But the motive which made them work 

1 Spec. Perf., Cap. 75. 

2 Reg. la, Cap. vii. 

3 II Cel., Ill, 21. Spec. Perf., Cap. 24. 

4 Reg. la, Cap. vii. Testam. II Thess. iii, 10. 
Spec. Perf., Cap. 75. 

5 Reg. 2a, Cap. v. Cf. other references on Fran- 
ciscan labor in P. Sabatier's Spec. Perf., p. 148, and K. 
Miiller's "Die Anfange des Minoritenordens, pp. 35 
ff., 44 ff. 



184 Francis on Social Reform 

was rather spiritual: to avoid idleness, to do 
penance. Their work was not necessary to 
support them, nor was it done with that inten- 
tion. Francis introduced a new spirit in the 
labor of religious. As his brethren were to be 
living models to the people, particularly to the 
poor laboring classes, he wished them to work 
like the poor, like the artisans of the cities, like 
the peasants on the farms ; in one word, to earn a 
livelihood. It was to make a living that Egidio 
carried water in Brindisi, made baskets in Ancona, 
sold wood in Rome. 1 Higher motives were not 
excluded, but a new motive was added which was 
to be a potent factor in the efficacy of Franciscan 
preaching and example. In Francis's mind, work 
was not to have for its object mere profit, nor 
however, was it to be limited to supernatural 
ends, — a motive often inaccessible to the common 
people. It was to be for the satisfying of 
their present needs: "corporis necessaria." 2 

Francis believed that the laborer, by his work, 
deserved a reward amply sufficient for himself 
and for those whom he is bound to support: 
"Out of the reward of their work, let them 
(the brethren) receive the things necessary for 

1 Act. Sanct.,Ap. 23, de B. ^Egidio, n. 5. 

2 Reg. la, Cap. vii. Reg. 2a, Cap. v. 



Conservative Reform 185 

themselves and for their brethren." 1 "Out of 
their reward," says Francis, because the brethren 
were not to accept more than the necessaries of 
life for themselves and the community; but 
Francis supposed that more is owed to the 
laborer, and that he has a right not only to the 
necessaries of life, but also to some comfort, in 
exchange for the work which he does. 

Besides manual labor, there is also another 
labor which deserves its reward: it is the spiritual 
work, the work which has for its object the 
good of souls. The members of the first order 
were to preach, 2 and it was in return for this 
spiritual labor, as well as to be more like the poor 
of God, that Francis recommended recourse to 
begging in case of necessity. The brethren, in 
receiving alms, only received what was due to 
them as a reward for their preaching and their 
work in the spiritual world of God. 

Land ownership had been the cause of serious 
abuses in the Middle Ages; it had become prac- 
tically the source of all authority and of all 
civil rights. Heretics had protested in the name 
of religion and philosophy: all matter, in their 
way of thinking, came from the evil principle, 

1 Reg. 2a, Cap. v. 

a Reg. la, Cap. xvii. Reg. 2a, Cap. ix. 



186 Francis on Social Reform 

and was itself evil. It was the old Manichean 
doctrine, which furnished them a means of 
attack against the possession of riches. 

Francis did not condemn land ownership; he 
accepted and sanctioned it, condemning only the 
abuses to which it gave rise. 

It is true that in the first and second orders no 
property was allowed in any form; the com- 
munity, as such, owned nothing. But this was 
the condition of the perfect, of those who fol- 
lowed not only the commandments, but the 
counsels, and Francis never dreamt of applying 
this state of things outside of the select numbers 
which he had gathered around him. On the 
contrary, Francis had a keen sense of the right 
of property. When he wished to destroy the 
house which had been built in Assisi for the 
visitors, and the soldiers came to him and told 
him that this house was not his but belonged 
to the town of Assisi, he immediately gave up 
his work of destruction and said: "Therefore, if 
it is yours, I will not touch it." 1 The same thing 
occurred in Bologna, and shows that Francis 
opposed the possession of goods only in the first 
and second orders. 2 

1 II Cel., Ill, 3. Spec. Perf., Cap. 7. 

2 II Cel, III, 4. Bon., 89. Spec. Perf., Cap. 6. 



Conservative Reform 187 

In the Third Order, he recognized the right of 
private ownership, and confirmed it by accepting 
landowners and merchants as well as serfs and 
artisans as members; he never asked them to 
sell their goods and give the product to the poor. 
All the Tertiaries were to write their wills, 
lest they die intestate, 1 which again shows that 
he recognized not only the right of property, 
but also the right to transmit property to others 
by the sole will of the donor. Again, Francis al- 
ways respected as his masters the lords, who were 
the landowners of the time, and he exacted 
for them from his brethren the same respect. 2 

The same may be said of the use of money, 
an institution also loudly condemned by some 
reformers of the time. It was not allowed in 
the order, and Francis, in his pious exaggeration, 
made it a crime for his brethren not only to 
retain, but to touch a coin. 3 But he did not 
apply this rule to outsiders, and he fully under- 
stood, the utility of money, since he made the 
members of the Third Order contribute one denier 
each month to the general fund of the com- 
munity. 1 

1 Reg. Ant. (Saba tier), Cap. x. 

2 3 Soc, 58. 

* Spec. Perf., Cap. 14. 



188 Francis on Social Reform 

All this shows that Francis was far from 
attacking any of the social principles or insti- 
tutions existing in his time. A faithful child of 
the Church, no thought was further from his 
mind than that of attacking her dogma and 
practice. Always humble and respectful in his 
relations with civil authorities, with the lords 
and the rich, he accepted as a matter of course 
the received principles of his day concerning the 
government of the state, the ownership of land, 
and the labor contracts. It never crossed his 
mind that some other social order might be pref- 
erable to the one then in force. Yet he was 
not blind to the existing evils: he saw the in- 
justice, the hatred, the strife, which agitated 
society; but instinctively he attributed these 
evils to the perversion of the human heart, and 
it was the individual that he strove to reform. 

1 Reg. Ant. (Sabatier), Cap. vii. 



CHAPTER IV.— INDIVIDUAL REFORM. 

IV^RANCIS had a very concrete view of the 
■■■ social question, as of everything else. 
There was no social evil for him but sin, and sin 
as affecting the individual ; and no social reform 
but the removing of sin from the individual soul. 
To bring back men from sin to grace, from vice 
to virtue, was the object of his own and his fol- 
lowers' efforts. "With marvelous tact," says 
Mr. Paul Sabatier, "he felt that the work of 
reform of the Church was a work of interior 
renovation; it is one of the characteristics that 
make his attempt absolutely an original effort 
and differentiate it from the other reform move- 
ments of the same epoch." 1 

There was a great deal of philosophy in the 
unphilosophical Francis. The end of man is 
happiness, and Francis aimed at happiness: 
happiness in the other world, happiness even in 
this world. But the means to this happiness 
are internal rather than external, and the reform 
which is to reestablish order is to be an internal 

1 P. Sabatier's Spec. Perf., p. 93, n. 1. 



190 Francis on Social Refer 



m 



renovation. In other words, not things, not 
institutions, not philosophy, but persons, must 
be reformed in order to effect social reform. 
These are the ideas which Francis instinctively 
put into practice. He might have adopted for 
his motto the German proverb : " Let us be better, 
and the world will be better"; or he might have 
said, as Peter Alcantara to a pessimistic Spanish 
knight : " My dear friend, have God's law observed 
in your home, by example and authority, and if 
everyone does as much the world will be saved." 

In this we have the whole idea of Francis on 
social reform. While he admitted the distinction 
of classes in the social order, he saw that the 
members of one class were abusing their power 
and authority to oppress the members of a weaker 
class. The lords were treating the serfs as 
slaves rather than as brothers, and Francis 
reminded them of the duty of masters to their 
servants. The superiors of the order were not to 
be called abbots nor priors, but ministers, to 
show that they must be the servants of those 
who were under their care, 1 and in this way they 
were to give to the world an example of the true 
Christian relations which must exist between 
the higher and lower classes. The lords were 

1 Reg. la, Cap. iv. 



Individual Reform 191 

received into the Third Order on the same con- 
ditions as the serfs, and the serfs were their 
equals in all that concerned the administration 
and privileges of the order. 

Yet Francis was awake to the failings of the 
lower class, and he endeavored to remove all dis- 
trust, envy, and cupidity from their hearts. He 
showed them the beauty of poverty, which Christ 
had embraced, and told them that they should be 
satisfied with the share which Providence had 
given them. They could not only more easily 
obtain the kingdom of heaven which Christ had 
promised to those who bear poverty with the 
Christian spirit, but they could also, and should, 
be happy even in this life. Happiness is not 
dependent on riches, but on peace of con- 
science and on virtue. True happiness is in 
hope, in prayer, in power over one's self, in the 
freedom of the soul. 1 The Franciscans were 
poor, yet there were none happier than they. 2 
Francis enjoyed created things more than any 
other saint or reformer ever had. Though he 
was poor, the birds of the air, the fishes of the 
sea, the insects of the field were all his, and they 

1 Cf. Chap, on Perfect Joy in Acta B. Franc, Cap. 
7, and Fioretti, Cap. 8. Spec. Perf., Cap. 96. Cf. 
also P. Saba tier's Spec. Perf., p. lxii, and p. 190, n. 1. 

2 1 Cel., 38, 39. 



192 Francis on Social Reform 

were for him a continual source of enjoyment 
and happiness. He wished men to understand 
that this happiness is within the reach of all 
individuals; it was not a future happiness, to be 
realized by a revolution or by the slow evolution 
of mankind, but immediate and actual for each 
man. 1 

Though happiness was in poverty more truly 
than in riches and power, though it was the duty 
of the members of the lower class to avoid hatred, 
envy, cupidity, yet no class was to be deprived 
of its natural rights. The serfs were perfectly 
justified in resisting the unjust demands and 
encroachments of their lords, and should even 
use the strength of association to bring to terms 
those who wished to oppress them. The duties 
of the Third Order, including the prohibition for 
the brethren to carry arms and to take solemn 
oaths, the obligation to contribute to a common 
fund which was used to assist the oppressed 
serfs, aimed at reclaiming rights which had been 
taken away from them. 

1 Hence the following statement of Ruskin ("Morn- 
ings in Florence") is not entirely correct: "The Gospel 
of works, according to Francis lay in three things: 
you must work without money and be poor; you must 
work without pleasure and be chaste; you must work 
according to orders and be obedient." 



Individual Reform 193 

At the same time that this association brought 
strength to the people, it inculcated on them the 
duty of solidarity in a manner stronger than 
ever before. The guilds had brought together 
men of the same trade, but between the different 
corporations bitter rivalries often existed. The 
Third Order united all men; not only 
the members of the municipality, but also 
cities and provinces and even nations were 
leagued together, so that the Third Order was 
really an international association which showed 
to all men their duty to unite in the cause of 
good, in opposition to the selfishness and the 
cruelty of the favored few. 

Again, though Francis never attacked riches 
in themselves as something intrinsically evil, 
he understood that they were a source of much 
trouble and misery. "For, from possession 
arise difficulties and disputes, which put all kinds 
of obstacles to the love of God and of our neigh- 
bor." 1 While many looked upon riches as the 
greatest good and as a sign of prosperity, Francis 
saw in them, or rather in their abuse, the curse 
of the time; for, though they were God's creatures, 
and good in themselves, they had been diverted 
from their proper object and made an obstacle 

1 3 Soc, 35. Bern. Bess., Cap. IV. 



194 Francis on Social Reform 

instead of a means in the relations between God 
and man — a condition against which Francis 
protested with all his might. 

Poverty was not to be eradicated from this 
world, but on the contrary to be made the prin- 
ciple of true happiness. Other reformers had 
contempt for poverty, and made the poor more 
miserable by emphasizing their misfortunes and 
shame. Francis made them love their poverty. 
He looked upon it as a state which would always 
exist in the world for the good of the world. Our 
Lord had consecrated it, and it was to remain 
till the end of time ; not, however, to be an object 
of shame and horror to men, but an object of 
love. Nor should all men necessarily be poor 
in reality: the spirit of poverty was the essential 
thing. 

Money particularly had been abused. The 
more and more frequent commutation of 
feudal services into money payments 
especially at the time of the Crusades; the won- 
derful development of Italian commerce at the 
same epoch, coupled with the scarcity of gold and 
silver caused by the construction of numerous 
and magnificent churches and the manufacture 
of rich sacred vessels, had brought about a fever- 
ish eagerness for the possession of money. All 



Individual Reform 195 

wejie bent on making money, and to obtain it 
fair and foul means were used alike. This abuse 
had attracted the most violent protests from 
the reformers, and Francis was not the last in 
raising his voice against the evil. Always 
ready to do more than he required from others, 
he renounced all use of money, in order that 
others might learn from him as well as from his 
brothers how to practise a just moderation, and 
to avoid setting their hearts on an object which 
was not worthy of them. 1 

The life of the brethren was also to be for all 
an example of self-sacrifice and renunciation. 
These virtues men had too often forgotten; each 
man lived for himself, and was unwilling to suffer 
anything whatever for the sake of his fellow men. 
When each member insists on having all his 
rights and limits himself to defined duties, there 
can be little hope of peace and concord. Hence 
Francis wished each one to act more generously. 
The Franciscans gave all their goods to the poor 
before joining the order; it was not too much then 
to ask of the rich of the world to make little 
sacrifices in favor of the poor, nor was it too much 
to ask the poor to bear with patience the sac- 
rifices which Providence imposed upon them. 

' n Cel., m, 11. Spec. Perf., Cap. 14. 



196 Francis on Social Reform 

Cooperation should be the law governing the rela- 
tions of classes and persons. Mankind is the 
world of God, showing beauty and harmony in 
all relations; men are all fellow workers, not 
rivals, in this world, and all must cooperate 
towards the same end, — the happiness of all. 
The rich must help the poor in exchange for 
the services and respect which the latter pay 
them; the poor must respect the rich and render 
them gladly the services to which they are bound 
by their condition. The Third Order tended 
precisely to reestablish this cooperation and 
good feeling between all men and all classes. 

The rich should avoid those excesses, lordly 
manners, luxurious life, which, perhaps more 
than the differences of fortune and condition, 
vexed and embittered the poor and the lowly. 
The contrast itself caused suffering and bad 
feeling. It was this abuse that Francis wished 
to remedy when he made it a rule that the 
members of the Third Order should avoid all vain 
ornaments in their way of dressing, dishonest 
festivals, theaters, dances, etc. 1 The poor feel 
their poverty much less when they see the rich 
dress simply, eat plain food, and rest satisfied with 
the innocent pleasures of home. 

Francis had another object in view when he 

1 Reg. Ant. (Sabatier), Cap. i. 






Individual Reform 197 

endeavored to check excesses among the rich and 
to restrain the cupidity of the poor. It is not 
the abundance of goods which produces happi- 
ness ; the rich with all their fortune have perhaps 
more unsatisfied desires than the poor themselves, 
and it is probable that happiness is in inverse 
ratio with wants. Hence, Francis's object was 
to decrease the wants in order to increase happi- 
ness. The brothers were happier than other 
men, because they had fewer wants and desires 
than others. " Lovers of the most holy poverty," 
says Tommaso di Celano, "possessing nothing, 
they were attached to nothing, and feared the 
loss of nothing. Distracted by no care, without 
any trouble or anxiety, they expected the mor- 
row without fear." 1 If the rich were less attached 
to their fortune, they would fear less the loss of 
it; if they had not created for themselves a thou- 
sand wants, they would not suffer from the 
impossibility of satisfying them. The poor 
are protected against such a danger by the 
very nature of their condition, and they should 
be careful not to increase uselessly wants which 
make man a slave. 

It is for the same reason, though in a different 

1 1 CeL, 39. 



198 Francis on Social Reform 

order of things, that Francis always opposed 
the asking of privileges from the Sovereign Pon- 
tiff, though these could have been easily obtained; 
they were in fact often offered to the Friars Minor, 
and sometimes imposed on them in spite of them- 
selves. He knew that such privileges would 
increase the desires and ambition of the brothers 
by increasing advantages and authority: instead 
of being useful to the order, they could only be 
a cause of trouble. 1 

There was another lesson which Francis never 
ceased to inculcate by word and example, to 
preach, to teach in private and in public, among 
his brethren and among all men — the beauty of 
charity at the same time as its necessity. 
" Never," says Mr. Paul Sabatier, " never did any 
man contemplate a more complete social reno- 
vation, but if the aim is the same as for many 
revolutionists who came after him, the means are 
altogether different;— his only weapon was love." 
This was, as it were, the summary of his means of 
reform. He had found men at war: there were 
wars between nations, wars between provinces, 
wars between towns, between families, between 

1 Testam. Spec. Perf., Cap. 50. Cf. also P. Saba- 
tier: "Tract de Indulg." p. xix, n. 1. and p. xxxv, 
and F. Lempp: "Frere Elie," p. 58. 



Individual Reform 199 

individuals, and to restore peace, Francis recom- 
mended to all, charity. Men were brothers, not 
enemies, and they should love, not hate each 
other. Francis had found the different classes 
of society in continual opposition: superiors 
oppressing inferiors, serfs revolted against their 
lords, subjects against their masters; he taught 
the lower classes how to love those who repre- 
sented God's authority on earth. Justice will do 
much towards restoring social order, but it will 
stop short of peace unless charity, — above all 
Christian chanty, the charity of men considering 
themselves as brothers in Christ, — confirm and 
complete the peaceful relations which must 
exist between classes and between individ- 
uals. In other words, classes and individuals 
cannot be brought together in permanent 
concord by duty alone, but by duty and sym- 
pathy. 

Hence, the members of the Third Order were 
requested not only to restore stolen goods, but 
to avoid everything that might check the charity 
and sympathy which should exist between the 
members and between all men; they were to 
appeal to judges only in case of necessity, to 
avoid lawsuits and oaths, to write their wills, 
in order to prevent dissensions, to have recourse 



200 Francis on Social Reform 

to friendly reconciliations. It was the duty 
of the visitor to visit the communities in order to 
settle immediately the little quarrels which might 
have become serious if they had not been 
smothered at their inception. 1 

Besides, justice can exist only between men 
bound together by rights and duties: charity 
extends to all men and to all things. Not only 
could the lords and serfs, rich and poor, clergy 
and laity, contribute in their respective positions 
to social peace, but there was not one man on 
earth who could not, by his example, his efforts, 
his kindness, contribute towards universal peace. 
"Love one another, as I have loved you," 2 was 
the commandment of Christ to His disciples, and 
it was the advice of Francis and his Friars Minor 
to all men: " Love one another. If you love one 
another there can be no social oppression, no 
social conflict. Love one another and the world 
will be reformed. It will become again the world 
of God, in which charity reigns, and with charity, 
harmony and order." 

Such was reform in Francis's mind: the 
reform of society by the individual; the reform 
of the individual by the observance of the rules 

1 Reg. Ant. (Saba tier), Cap. vi, viii, x, xiii. 

2 Joan, xv, 12. 






Individual Reform 201 

of the Third Order, which were simply the Chris- 
tian principles applied to the circumstances of 
the time. The rich sympathizing with the poor, 
charitable towards them; the poor assisted by 
the rich, and resigned to their condition, or 
rather, happy in their poverty; masters just 
and humane; workmen conscientious and 
satisfied; the authorities, the officials, respecting 
the rights of God, Church, and conscience; 
inferiors respecting legitimate authority: these 
were the means which were to bring peace among 
individuals, families, social classes, nations, 
Church and state, and to make the world the 
ideal Christian society, everything cooperating 
in the eternal and temporal welfare of men. 



CONCLUSION 



CONCLUSION. 

1. Later History of the Movement. 

2. Lessons for Our Day. 

l.nHHE popular movement and the social reform 
■*- begun by Francis reached their climax in 
his own days. Yet they did not die with him: 
the impulse was given, and St. Francis had 
worthy successors in those disciples who, formed 
by him and faithful to his high ideal of poverty, 
remained the friends of the poor and helpless 
and the reformers of God's Church. Among 
these it will suffice to mention St. Clare, who 
twice saved her native town from the attacks 
of usurpers; St. Anthony of Padua, who bravely 
intervened in the dissensions between Guelphs 
and Ghibellines, protected the people against the 
tyranny of Ezzelino at Verona, restored peace at 
Padua, and protested loudly against the progress 
of usury; the young St. Rose of Viterbo, who 
denounced publicly and with so much effect the 
Emperor Frederick II; St. Margaret of Cortona, 
who saved from oppression the town where 



206 Conclusion 

she had found a refuge for her virtue. Above 
all, Francis continued to live in his Third 
Order, which, assisted by the Popes, resisted 
the encroachments of princes and lords and 
won for the people liberty and independence. 

But meanwhile, the influence of the first order 
had been paralyzed more or less by internal 
divisions, not to speak of intrigues at Rome and 
conflicts with other orders and with the secular 
clergy, which noticeably diminished its power 
over the people. 

With the fifteenth century opens a new phase 
of the Franciscan movement, always inspired by 
the ideas and the sweet figure of Francis still 
living in the memory and love of his children. 
St. Bernardino of Siena, Albert of Sardiano, 
Bernarbe of Terni, St. James of the Marches, 
St. John of Capistran, all Franciscans according 
to the mind of their Father, made a brave fight 
in favor of the poor against Jewish bankers and 
usurers. Blessed Bernardino of Feltre completed 
in Italy the organization of the " Monti di Pieta," 
which from Italy spread over the whole Christian 
world, for the good of the little, the weak, and all 
the friends of Francis. 

But this was as the last spark of life in the 
popular movement created by Francis. In the 



Conclusion 207 

sixteenth century, new relaxation, new divisions 
in the order, the gradual transformation of the 
Third Order into a purely religious order, then 
also the progress of the Renaissance and the rise 
of the Reformation, mark the end of the Fran- 
ciscan reform movement. 

Since then, and particularly at the end of the 
nineteenth century, efforts have been made to 
restore to the Third Order its social influence. 
Leo XIII, in his encyclicals "Auspicato," 
"Humanum genus," "Quod auctoritate," in 
his letters and in his discourses, again and again 
recommended this Third Order to the Church as 
a solution of the social question, and with this 
object in view revised its rule by his constitu- 
tion "Misericors Dei Filius." Franciscan con- 
gresses have met and passed resolutions aiming 
at the restoration of the Third Order as a reform 
movement. Some good has been accomplished, 
but much remains to be done before practical 
results are obtained which can compare with 
the effects of Francis's reform in the thirteenth 
century. 

2. The lesson which Francis has left us 
should not be lost. The success as well as the 
shortcomings of the movement must serve to 



208 Conclusion 

guide us in the solution of the present social 
problem. 

It is true, circumstances have changed : our 
social problem is not the social problem of the 
thirteenth century, and the solution must change 
with the problem. Yet it is true also that there 
are many features in common in the two problems ; 
and if it is so, the solution given by Francis 
must contain many elements which, adapted to 
present circumstances, would be available for 
the solution of the actual social question. 

To-day, as well as in Francis's time, there is 
a sharp division between social classes, between 
the poor and the rich, the powerful and the weak. 
In the thirteenth century it was land and land 
ownership which conferred authority and power; 
to-day it is capital and wealth. The names 
hatve changed: the lords have been replaced by 
the capitalists, the serfs by the workingmen, but 
the oppression and the opposition are the same. 
To-day, as well as in the thirteenth century, 
there is a social unrest, an aspiration towards a 
better state; the working people are making 
their way toward liberty and independence; 
the progress of trade-unions and of Socialism are 
evident proofs of this movement. At the same 
time there is corruption, there is vice, in all 



Conclusion 209 

classes of the social order in our own days as 
well as there was in the thirteenth century. 

Francis had to battle largely against the same 
elements as our modern reformers have to com- 
bat, and the victory which he won, though not 
complete, has merited for him an honorable 
place in the history of social reform. 

His methods and the process by which 
his views were formed were very different from 
those of our modern reformers. But the very 
contrast contains more than one interesting 
lesson. 

By temperament Francis belonged to the class 
that we call imaginative. In him imagination 
was a dominant faculty, and his actions were the 
result of impulse and feeling rather than of delib- 
eration. His imagination, centered on the con- 
templation of the truths and mysteries of spiritual 
life, produced in him the idealism and optimism 
which artists and poets have admired and loved 
so much. He was himself both artist and poet. 
Some modern reformers attempt to base their 
theories of reform on rigid scientific principles; 
but St. Francis distrusted science, since he 
believed it led to pride and to perdition. Yet 
we may not for a moment think that the unrea- 
soning Francis was unreasonable, for he had 






210 Conclusion 

remarkable intuitions, which gave him rare 
insight where reason might fail to give ordinary 
understanding. 

It is the custom nowadays to regard our evil 
as primarily social, hence disassociated from the 
spiritual view of society. Attempts are made to 
discover the processes from which our problems 
result; we study environment, heredity, institu- 
tions, sanitation, wages, — as these may all be 
factors in our social situation. Appeal is made 
to the public, to government, to law; parties 
are formed, platforms are adopted, and similar 
manifestations of merely social activity are 
witnessed. 

St. Francis, on the contrary, judged things 
from the spiritual or religious point of view. He 
believed in the Church, he saw society through 
the Church, hence he never escaped from the 
view which religion suggested. He saw God in 
everything, he saw all things in their supernat- 
ural relations. He loved poverty because Our 
Lord had loved it ; he hated sin because sin is the 
enemy of God. For him the reform of the world 
meant simply the reform of the sinner. He saw 
the souls of men, created by God, and destined 
to honor and bless him. Evil was embodied in 
the devil, who tempted men to all sorts of crimes. 



Conclusion 211 

The war between the angel of light and the angel 
of darkness was continual. Money, wealth, 
honors, power, were the instruments used by the 
latter for the perversion of men; poverty and 
virtue were the remedies which God had estab- 
lished to reform and save the world. 

While our modern reformers plan and organize 
on set lines, St. Francis showed no more 
method in his administration than in his think- 
ing. From want of prudence, and perhaps from 
overabundant faith in divine intervention, his 
activity, amazing in itself, was often misap- 
plied. But, in general, aided by the power- 
ful support and guidance of his " beloved Mother " 
the Church, he succeeded wonderfully in com- 
municating to others his love of what is great and 
good and holy, and accomplished in a surprisingly 
short time what many more cautious, but per- 
haps less earnest, reformers have failed to ob- 
tain. 

Our social problem is complex: it contains 
moral, religious, political, as well as economic ele- 
ments, and any plan of reform which limits 
itself to any one of these aspects will, by the very 
fact, remain incomplete. Our reform, like Fran- 
cis's, must be comprehensive. The present order 
is based largely on an economic basis. Francis, 



212 Conclusion 

and after him Catholics, as also Christian 
Socialists, say that the basis of a social reform 
as well as of the social order should be the relig- 
ious and ethical element. 

Another important lesson which Francis teaches 
us is that, for a reform to be successful, it is not 
necessary that it should be destructive of the 
present order, of present principles, of present 
institutions. The evil may lie largely in the 
very individuals, and they are the objects on 
which the reform must first exercise itself. A re- 
form program like that of the Socialists, which 
proposes the abolition of the private ownership 
of capital and the complete overturning of our 
present social order, is too radical to be safely re- 
sorted to. The resources of the actual order 
have not been exhausted. The associations of 
the laboring class have not obtained their best 
results yet; they are according to Francis's spirit: 
he grouped together the workingmen of his day, 
not only in trade organizations, and in national 
federations, but into an international society 
which was patronized by the laboring class 
throughout Europe, and by many well-meaning 
members of the employing class and of the aris- 
tocracy of the day, as well. The policy of exclu- 
sion was unknown to Francis: occupation, for- 



Conclusion 213 

tune, sex, age, class, were no barriers to recep- 
tion into the Third Order, nor was any one 
forced into it; but the inherent advantages of the 
association, as well as the popularity of its founder 
and the protection of the powerful Church, were 
a sufficient inducement to affiliation. 

Nor is this the only lesson that our labor- 
unions and employers' associations may learn 
from the work of Francis. The Third Order, 
being preeminently a religious association, offered 
by its very nature a common ground on which 
conflicting social, political, and economic interests 
could meet. Opposition is, as it were, the very 
reason of existence, the essence of our modern 
associations; capitalists and employers group 
themselves together precisely in opposition to 
the laborers, and the laborers group together 
precisely to resist the encroachments of, and in 
opposition to, the capitalists and employers. Per- 
haps there is room for a more universal association 
in which all will meet on a purely ethical or 
religious basis, and in which the social and eco- 
nomic conflicts will find an easier solution. 

A true and solid reform, now as well as in 
Francis's time, must begin by the reform of the 
individual. The social problem is caused largely 
by lack of honesty and loyalty, by cupidity, pas- 



214 Conclusion 

sion, personal degradation. The common owner- 
ship of capital would not do away with these 
evils, and they would still cause social troubles 
if men themselves be not reformed; on the other 
hand, more virtue, more justice, more fraternity, 
in the present order, would go far towards solv- 
ing our problem. The spirit of individualism would 
not disappear in the socialistic regime, while the 
awakening of the social conscience in the present 
order could work wonders. It is true, the per- 
fect reign of honesty and charity in the social 
order is an ideal which cannot be fully realized 
in this world; but, for us, as for Francis, it 
should be a picture continually before our eyes, 
which would serve for our guidance in our efforts 
and activity, and even if our results fall short of 
our ideal, every step forward is a gain and an 
approach to the solution of the social question. 
In summing up we can find no better counsel 
than that given by Leo XIII in his encyclical 
" Rerum Novarum." "Let everyone therefore put 
his hand to the work which falls to his share. 
. . . Those who rule the state must use the laws 
and the institutions of the country; masters and 
rich men must remember their duty; the poor, 
whose interests are at stake, must make every 
lawful and proper effort ; and since religion alone 



Conclusion 215 

. . . can destroy the evil at its root, all men must 
be persuaded that the primary thing needful is a 
return to Christianity, in the absence of which 
all the plans and devices of the wisest will be 
of little avail." . . . 

"... Above all let charity be cherished, — 
charity, the mistress and queen of virtues. For 
the happy results we all long for must be chiefly 
brought about by the plenteous outpouring of 
charity; that true Christian charity which is the 
fulfilling of the whole Gospel law; that charity 
which is always ready to sacrifice itself for 
others' sake, and which is man's surest antidote 
against worldly pride and immoderate love of 
self; that charity whose office is described and 
whose godlike features are drawn by the Apostle 
St. Paul in these words: Charity is patient, is 
kind, . . . seeketh not her own, . . . 
suffereth all things, . . . endureth ail 
things." 



APPENDIX 



SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY ON 
ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI. 

THE year 1266 marks an all-important date 
in the history of the sources on St. Francis. 
Since the time when, during the very life of the 
founder, a party had arisen in favor of mitiga- 
tion, continual dissensions had rent the order. 
Conditions had almost reached a critical stage 
when St. Bonaventure was elected general in 
1257. His policy was one of pacification, and 
his constant efforts were to bring together the 
Rigorists and the Mitigants by offering to the 
two extreme parties a common platform which 
might serve as a bond of reconciliation. The 
result of these efforts was the document known 
as the " Aries Constitutions" and the work which 
interests us here, — the "New Legend." It was 
called by this name in opposition to the old 
legends which had been in circulation among the 
religious of the order up to this time, but which 
were ail more or less inclined to favor one or the 
other party, according as they had been written 
by a partisan of the observance or by one of those 



220 Appendix 

who held for mitigation. Of course, in writing 
this new legend St. Bona venture had used all 
or most of these first documents; but he had 
carefully left out anything that could be used as 
an argument by one or the other party. In 
1266, three years after the completion of this 
work, the General Franciscan Chapter, assembled 
in Paris, decreed "in the name of obedience that 
all the legends of the Blessed Francis, written 
formerly, should be destroyed, and that even out- 
side of the order the brothers should endeavor to 
do away with those they may find." From this 
day the New Legend alone was to be used in the 
Franciscan order, and even as far as it could be 
done, outside the order. This was equivalent 
to sacrificing the original lives of St. Francis for 
a mere compilation, but as it was thought then 
that everything should be sacrificed to the work 
of pacification in the order, the decree went into 
execution. 

From 1266 to 1769, a period of over five cen- 
turies, the original sources of St. Francis's his- 
tory remained buried in oblivion. The great 
work of the Bollandists gave rise to the modern 
movement which has brought to light so many 
old and precious documents, and has reconsti- 
tuted in its true light the life and character of 



Sources and Bibliography 221 

St. Francis. Yet this work remained incomplete 
until the end of the last century, when a new and 
remarkable interest was developed in the study 
of the saint. The signal for this new Franciscan 
movement was given largely by the celebration, 
in 1882, of the seventh centenary of the saint's 
birth. Since then biographies and studies of 
all kinds have succeeded each other almost with- 
out interruption. At the same time the original 
sources have been again studied, criticized, 
corrected, and published; new documents have 
been brought to light and the old ones have been 
revised and re-edited according to the best methods 
of modern criticism. In this work Protestants 
and Rationalists have contributed as well as 
Catholics, with a zeal and a love which only the 
sweet figure of St. Francis could call forth. 
Germany, through Father Ehrle, S.J., and Fa- 
ther Denifle, O.P., in the "Archiv flir Litteratur 
und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters," and 
in the "Zeitschrift fur Katholische Theologie," — 
France, through Paul Sabatier in the "Col- 
lection d' etudes et de documents sur l'histoire 
religieuse et litteraire du Moyen Age" and the 
"Opuscules de critique historique," — Italy, 
through the sons of St. Francis, in the "Analecta 
Franciscana," and in other publications of the 



£22 Appendix 

College of St. Bona venture, at Quaracchi, near 
Florence, also in the "Miscellanea Frances- 
cana," "Analecta Ordinis Minorum Cappuci- 
norum," etc., — Belgium, through the editors 
of the "Analecta Bollandiana," — England it- 
self, through J. S. Brewer and Richard Howlet 
in the "Monumenta Franciscana," a work 
which, however, is prior to the present move- 
ment, as it was published in 1858 and 1882, — all 
these have shared in the work of reconstruct- 
ing the original sources of the early Franciscan 
history. Lastly, on the 2nd of June, 1902, the 
"Societa inte'rnazionale di Studi Francescani 
in Assisi" was founded for the purpose of develop- 
ing and facilitating Franciscan studies. This 
society owes its rise in a great measure to the efforts 
of Paul Sabatier and counts among its members 
a great number of writers on St. Francis, how- 
ever mostly non-Catholic. 1 

This movement, in all the vigor of its youth, 
has already produced important results in the 
line of discovery and criticism; but it promises 
still greater things for the future. We may well 

1 "Origine e costituzione . . ." Assisi, 1902. 
In connection with this international society must be 
mentioned also the international review: "Bullettino 
critico di cose francescane," the first number of 
which appeared April, 1905, Firenze, Italy. 



Sources and Bibliography 223 

hope that before long, all the original documents 
which were so summarily dealt with by the de- 
cree of the General Chapter of 1266 will be rein- 
stated in their rights, and will help the present gen- 
eration in reconstructing the grand and loving 
figure of St. Francis, and in placing in its true light 
his wonderful work of religious and social reform. 

Critical studies of the sources have been made 
byH. Thode^L. Le Monnier, 2 W. Goetz, 3 A. G. 
Little, 4 P. Sabatier, 5 H. Paschal Robinson, 
O.F.M., 6 and many others. 

Again, extensive bibliographies of the works 
written on St. Francis have been already pub- 
lished; among them may be mentioned those of Fr. 
Marcellino da Civezza, O.F.M., 7 H. Boehmer, 8 

1 "Franz von Assisi und die Anfange der Kunst der 
Renaissance in Italien," Berlin, 1885. New edition, 
Berlin, 1904. 

2 "Histoire de St. Francois," Paris, 1890 (3d edition). 

3 "Die Quellen zur Geschichte des hi. Franz von 
Assisi. Eine kritische Untersuchung," Gotha, 1904. 

4 "The Sources of the History of St. Francis," Eng. 
Hist. Rev., 1902, pp. 643-675. 

8 "Vie de St. Francois d'Assise." "Nouveaux 
travaux sur les documents Franciscains," Paris, 1903. 

"Franciscan Literature," "The Dolphin," in July 
and August, 1905. 

7 "Saggio di Bibliografia geografica storica etno- 
grafica San Francescana," Prato, 1879. 

8 "Analekten zur Geschichte des Franciscus von 
Assisi," Tubingen, 1904. 



224 Appendix 

and especially of Ulysse Chevalier. 1 Yet 
a short critical review of the sources and 
bibliography of the principal works concerning 
the saint may be justified by the fact that modern 
criticism, even during the last few years, has 
thrown considerable light on the knowledge of 
these sources, and that new and interesting 
studies from different points of view are al- 
most constantly offered to the public. 

1 "Repertoire des sources historiques du Moyen 
Age," Paris, 1877-1886, new edition being published. 



I.— ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS BEARING 
DIRECTLY ON ST. FRANCIS. 

AMONG the original documents bearing 
directly on St. Francis and on the beginning 
of the Franciscan movement, the following are 
the principal: the two lives written by Tommaso 
di Celano and his treatise on the miracles of St. 
Francis; the life of the Three Companions; the 
writings of Brother Leo, among which Paul 
Sabatier placed the "Speculum Perfectionis" ; 
the Chronicles of Thomas Eccleston and Jordanus 
of Giano; and the works of St. Francis. 

1. Tommaso di Celano. 

Tommaso di Celano was one of the disciples 
of the saint, and joined the order about 1215. 
He wrote his first life of St. Francis in 1228, at 
the request of Gregory IX. 

After the General Chapter of 1244, which 
recommended the completion of the biography 
of the saint, Tommaso di Celano was again 
requested to write what he knew or could gather 
about the founder. The result was the "Vita 



226 Appendix 

Secunda," the first part of which was composed 
about 1246. and the second in the beginning of 
the generalship of Giovanni di Parma, who was 
elected in 1247. 

These two lives of Tommaso di Celano deserve 
the first rank in a study of the sources of the 
history of St. Francis. Mr. Paul Sabatier 
accuses their author of weakness of character 
and partiality, as he seems to favor the party of 
the Spirituals or that of the Mitigants according 
as the one or the other happened to be in power 
at the time of his writing. Few critics have sub- 
scribed to Sabatier's view on this subject, as 
everything in the two lives in question reveals 
the greatest fairness. Possibly the influence of 
the party in power may at times be seen in the 
writings of Tommaso di Celano, but it never 
affects them to such an extent as to color the 
facts which he relates. He remains the most 
reliable historian for the study of the Franciscan 
beginnings and his two lives are still the main 
source of information on the life of St. Francis 
and his first companions. 

The first life was published for the first time 
by the Bollandists in the second volume for Oc- 
tober of the "Acta Sanctorum." Both the first 



Original Documents on St. Francis 227 

and the second have been published several times, 
— by Rinaldi, 1 who gave the first edition of the 
second life of Tommaso di Celano, then by Amoni, 2 
and lately by H. G. Rosedale. 3 Another edition 
promised by Father Edward of Alencon, O.F.M. 
Cap., archivist of the order, is anxiously awaited. 
The "Tractatus de Miraculis" of Tommaso di 
Celano, which is, as it were, a supplement to his 
two lives, was published in the "Analecta Bol- 
landiana," 4 and in Rosedale's "St. Fran, of Assisi." 

2. The Three Companions. 

According to the opinion generally held until 
recent times, the same recommendation of the 
Chapter of 1244, which gave rise to the second 
life by Tommaso di Celano, also occasioned the 
composition of the life of the "Three Compan- 
ions," in which Brothers Leo, Angelo, and Rufino, 
all companions of the saint, wrote down what they 
themselves had seen and heard. 

An important question arose a few years ago: 
Was the document which we possess and which 

1 "Seraph. Viri S. Franc. Ass. vitee duae, Auct. B. 
Thoma de Celano." Roma, 1806. 

2 Roma, 1880. 

3 "St. Francis of Assisi, according to Brother 
Thomas of Celano." London, 1904. 

« Vol. xviii, pp. 113-173. 



228 Appendix 

was first published by the Bollandists, the whole 
legend of the Three Companions, or only a frag- 
ment of it? From a study of the document, the 
fragmentary character of this life appeared evi- 
dent. 

Two Franciscans, Marcellino da Civezza and 
Teofilo Domenichelli, tried to reconstruct it in 
its integrity, 1 but their results have not been 
admitted by critics in general. 

The authenticity itself of the legend of the 
Three Companions has also been much con- 
tested. A number of critics, Catholics among 
others, think that the legend, even in its short 
form, was compiled in the fourteenth century. 2 
Yet Paul Sabatier and a few other critics still 
hold to the traditional view: "After having 

1 "La leggenda di San Francesco scritta da tre suoi 
compagni (Legenda Trium Sociorum)," Roma, 1899. 
The reconstruction was rather a transposition, as the 
chapters which the editors add to the text known so 
far as the Legend of the Three Companions are mostly 
taken from the Speculum Perfectionis and the second 
life of Tommaso di Celano. 

2 Cf. for instance L. Lemmens: "Les deux Speculum 
Perfectionis." H. Tilemann: "Speculum Perfectionis 
und Legenda Trium Sociorum." S. Minocchi: "La 
Legenda Trium Sociorum," Florence, 1900. "La ques- 
tione Francescana," Turin, 1902. Edward of Alencon: 
"La legende de St. Francois, dite des Trois Com- 
pagnons," Paris, 1902. Van Ortroy in "Acta Bollan- 
diana," V, xix. 



Original Documents on St. Francis 229 

studied Fr. Van Ortroy's work with all the 
attention of which I am capable," says Saba- 
tier, 1 "the authenticity seems to me more evident 
than ever." Which is the correct view, the 
future alone can reveal. 1 

3. Brother Leo. 

We know from different sources that Brother 
Leo, the secretary and confessor, the intimate 
friend of St. Francis, who called him "Pecorella 
di Dio," on account of his simplicity, wrote 
different works on the life of his beloved Father 
and on the heroic times of the order. He 
belonged to the Spirituals, and spent his life and 
energy in trying to preserve the ideal which St. 
Francis had left to his children. This was 
probably the cause of the disappearance of his 
writings and also of the obscurity which, even 
to this day, surrounds his person and his works. 

We have seen his name already mentioned as 

1 In "Revue Historique," Jan., Feb., 1901. Cf. also 
P. Sabatier's "Nouveaux travaux sur les documents 
Franciscains," Paris, 1904. 

2 Cf . also Ch. Woeste: "St. Francois d'Assise et la 
legende des Trois Compagnons " in "Revue Generale 
de Bruxelles," 1903, pp. 5-21. "Amerfcan Cath. 
Quart. Review," 1900, pp. 657-674. "Revue d'His- 
toire Ecclesiastique," 1905, Ap. 15, book reviews by 
S. Le Grelle. 



230 Appendix 

one of the three companions who wrote the life 
of St. Francis at the request of the Chapter of 
1244. 

All agree also in attributing to him a life of 
Brother Egidio, which has come down to us 
through the " Chronicle of the XXIV Generals," 
a document of the fourteenth century published 
by the Franciscans of Quaracchi in the "Analecta 
Franciscana;" 1 but it was admitted that this life 
of Egidio was not the original document, but had 
been considerably altered. Fr. Leonard Lem- 
mens thinks 2 he has found the original text of 
this life, and has published it in his series of 
"Documenta antiqua Franciscana," with two 
other minor works of Brother Leo: "Liber de 
intentione Sti. Francisci," and "Verba Sancti 
Francisci." 

A greater controversy exists concerning the 
"Speculum Perfectionis," which P. Sabatier 
edited in 1898, not only as the principal work of 
Brother Leo, but also as the most ancient legend 
of St. Francis. 3 According to him Brother Leo 

» T. Ill, 1897. 

2 "Scrip ta Fratris Leonis." Quaracchi, 1901, p. 12. 

3 "Speculum Perfectionis, seu S. Francisci Assisiensis 
Legenda Antiquissima," Paris, 1898, translated into 
English by Ctesse. C. de la Warr: "The Mirror of 
Perfection," London, 1902. 



Original Documents on St. Francis 231 

wrote this work immediately after having broken 
the marble vase which Elia, in order to solicit 
the offerings of the faithful, had put on the site 
where the basilica and the tomb of St. Francis 
were to be erected; hence it would have been 
completed on the 11th of May, 1227, i. e. 
only seven months after the death of St. 
Francis. Sabatier's conclusions have not been 
admitted by all critics: Mgr. Faloci Pulignani, 1 
Fr. Mandonnet, 2 Fr. Edward d' Alencon,* and 
other scholars, have denied that the " Speculum 
Perf ectionis " was the work, at least exclusively, 
of Brother Leo, and have assigned to it a 
much later date. Fr. Leonard Lemmens, in 
publishing what he calls the "Redactio Prior " 
of the "Speculum Perf ectionis, " asserts that 
this is the work of Leo and his companions. 
It was written, he says, like the second life of 
Tommaso di Celano, at the request of the 
General Chapter of 1244, while the " Speculum 
Perf ectionis " published by P. Sabatier is a com- 
pilation, which, it is true, contains all the chap- 
ters of the original document, but has received 
many additions at a later date and really belongs, 

1 "Miscell. Franc," May-June, 1898. 

3 "Revue Thomiste," July, 1898. 

8 "Annales Franc," July-Aug., 1898. 



232 Appendix 

in the form in which Sabatier gives it, to the 
fourteenth century. 

4. Chroniclers of the Order. 
Besides the biographies proper, the various 
Chronicles of the order contain valuable infor- 
mation on St. Francis and particularly on the 
beginnings of the order. The works of Thomas 
Eccleston and Jordanus of Giano are more than 
mere compilations, for these men wrote about 
events which they themselves had witnessed. 
The "Liber de adventu Fratrum Minorum in 
Anglia" of Thomas Eccleston, which, as its title 
points out, relates more particularly the events 
connected with the establishment of the Francis- 
cans in England, was published for the first time 
in the "Monumenta Franciseana" of J. S. Brewer 
in 1858. Another fragment of the same work 
was published in 1882 by R. Howlet, in the second 
volume of the "Monumenta Franciseana." 1 In 
his Chronicle, Jordanus of Giano, while relating 
the origin and development of the order in Ger- 
many, gives also most valuable information on 
St. Francis and especially on the crisis of the 

1 London. Roll series. Translated into English by 
F. Cuthbert: "The Friars and how they came to 
England." London, 1903. 



Original Documents on St. Francis 233 

year 1219. This was first published by G. Vogt 
in 1870, under the heading "Die Denkwurdig- 
keiten des Minoriten Jordanus von Giano." 
The first volume of the "Analecta Franciscana" 
has reproduced the two Chronicles of Thomas 
of Eccleston and Jordanus of Giano. 1 

5. The Works of St. Francis. 
The writings and sayings of St. Francis, by their 
very nature, deserve a prominent place in the 
list of original documents, for they reveal to us 
the very thoughts and impressions of their author; 
however, until a few years ago there was no reliable 
edition of these works. They had been collected 
by Wadding, 2 with little discrimination, and have 
often been republished since without improvement 
in the selection or correctness of the text. It is 
only within late years that the Franciscan Fathers 
of Quaracchi have brought forth a more reliable 
edition of them. 3 The severity with which they 
have eliminated spurious or doubtful documents 

1 Quaracchi, 1885. Jord., pp. 1-30; Eccleston, pp. 
215-256. 

2 Anvers 1623 in 4o. 

3 "Opuscula S. P. Francisci Assisiensis," Quaracchi, 
1904. Cf. also "Seraphicse Legislationis Textus 
originales," Quaracchi, 1897. 



234 Appendix 

from the old edition deserves the highest credit. 1 
H. Boehmer has also published a critical edition 
of St. Francis's works. 2 Yet the definitive edition 
is still a desideratum. 

Before closing the list of the original Franciscan 
documents bearing directly on St. Francis, while 
we must omit several minor lives or abridgements, 
we must mention the charming allegory "Sacrum 
Commercium Beati Francisci cum Domina Pau- 
pertate," published by Edward of Alencon 3 and 
translated into English by Montgomery Car- 
michael. 4 It is recognized by all critics to be a 
most ancient document which, though it has 
little historical value, yet, as it were, introduces 
us into the very thoughts of the pioneer lovers 
of Lady Poverty. 

» Cf. M. Carmichael: "The writings of St. Francis," 
in "Month," Feb., 1904. 

2 H. Boehmer: "Analekten zur Geschichte desFran- 
ciscus von Assisi. S. Francisci opuscula . . etc." 
Tubingen, 1904. Cf. on these works P. Sabatier: 
"Examens de quelques travaux recents sur les opus- 
cules de St. Francois," Paris, 1904. 

3 Roma, 1900. 

* "The Lady Poverty, "New York and London, 1902. 



II.— ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS BEARING 
INDIRECTLY ON ST. FRANCIS. 

BESIDES the above-mentioned documents, 
which are all the works of Franciscans, and 
treat ex professo of the history of St. Francis or of 
the order, there is another class of original sources 
which, though coming from outsiders, and men- 
tioning only incidentally the events which interest 
us here, serve as a most valuable confirmation of 
the authority of the direct sources. 

Among these may be mentioned the Papal 
documents connected with the order in its first 
years. These can be found principally in the 
"Bullarium Franciscanum," x in the "Regesti del 
Pontifice Onorio III," 2 and in the "Regesti del 
Cardinale Ugolino di Ostia . . ." 3 

Among the Chroniclers outside the order, who 
speak of Franciscan events, Jacques de Vitry 
deserves particular mention. He refers to the 

1 Roma, 4 vols, in fo., 1759-1768. 

2 Roma, 1804. 

3 Roma, 1890. 



236 Appendix 

Friars in two letters, one from 1216, republished 
by Sabatier as an appendix to his "Speculum 
Perfectionis"; the other from 1220, published 
both in the " Gesta Dei per Francos, " and in 
Vitry's "Historia occidentalis," 1 written during 
the life-time of Francis. These three extracts 
may also be found in H. Boehmer's "Analekten 
zur Geschichte des Franciscus von Assisi." 

1 Chap. XXXII: "De ordine et praedicatione 
Fratrum Minorum." Cf. also "Jacobi Vitriacensis 
episeopi et cardinalis, 1180-1240, serniones ad fratres 
Minora," Rome, 1903. 



III.— COMPILATIONS.— RECENT WORKS. 

WITH St. Bonaventure begins the period of 
compilations, while the original sources 
disappear more and more. 

The occasion of the composition of St. Bona- 
venture's legend and its nature have already been 
pointed out. Though it has not the value of 
the first legends, it is, however, a most useful 
document. No one can doubt the veracity of 
the author, -for, though he does not say every- 
thing, yet, all that he says is true and reliable. 
We find in this life many facts which are new to 
us either because they were compiled from legends 
which have since disappeared, or perhaps because 
St. Bonaventure received some direct information 
from the immediate disciples of St. Francis. As 
it was the official legend of the order, it was 
published before all the others and has often 
been republished since: it may be found also in 
the "Acta Sanctorum." 1 

The "Liber de Laudibus Sti. Francisci" of 
Bernardo da Bessa, the companion or secretary 

1 T. II. Octob. 



238 Appendix 

of St. Bonaventure, dates also from the same 
epoch and brings a few new data. It was pub- 
lished for the first time in 1897. * 

The last document of the thirteenth century 
is the Chronicle of Brother Salimbene da Parma, 
written between 1282 and 1287. It contains 
very valuable information on the early troubles 
in the order. 

Though the later works may occasionally con- 
tain facts extracted from early legends now 
unknown to us, it will be enough merely to men- 
tion them here, as their value decreases with the 
distance which separates them from the time of 
St. Francis. 

In the fourteenth century we have the "Arbor 
vitse crucifixi," by Ubertino da Casale, a fervent 
"Zelator"; the "Chronica Tribulationum," in 
which Angelo di Clareno, also of the same party, 
narrates the tribulations of the faithful disciples 
of St. Francis; the "Liber Conformitatum," by 
Bartolomeo da Pisa, in which the author shows 
the resemblance between Francis and Our Lord. 
To this same century also belong the well-known 
"Fioretti," the original of which Sabatior 
attributes to Brother Ugolino; 2 the "Speculum 

1 "Liber de Laud. Sti. Franc. Curante Hilarino a 
Lucerna," Rome, 1897. Also in "Anal. Franc," 1897. 

2 P. Sabatier : "Actus Beati Francisci et Sociorum 
ejus." "Floretum Sti. Francisci," Paris, 1902. 



Compilations 239 

Vitae Sti. Francisci et Sociorum ejus;" 1 the 
"Chronica Generalium ministrorum O.F.M."; 
and the " Tractatus de Indulgentia S. Marise de 
Portiuncula" of Brother Francesco Bartholdi of 
Assisi, edited by Paul Sabatier. 2 

In the sixteenth century, Glassberger, 3 Mark 
of Lisbon, and Mariano of Florence wrote 
Chronicles of the order, and in the seventeenth 
century Luke Wadding published his famous 
"Annales Minorum" in eight folio volumes. 4 

But as we go down from the fourteenth cen- 
tury to the eighteenth, the writers on St. Francis 
and his order abandon more and more the original 
documents and use almost exclusively later com- 
pilations. Wadding himself, in spite of his erudi- 
tion, has not avoided this defect. 

It is only with the Bollandists in the eighteenth 
century that we see a return to the proper study 
of the sources. They published the first life by 
Tommaso di Celano, the work of the Three 
Companions, and the New Legend of St. Bona- 
venture, with a good commentary by Fr. Con- 
stant Suyskens ; but, unfortunately, the second life 
of Tommaso di Celano escaped them. 

1 Venice, 1504. 
s Paris, 1900. 

* "Analecta Franciscana." Vol. II. 

* Lyons, 1625. 2d ed. in 16 vols., Roma, 1731. 



240 Appendix 

Since then, the study of St. Francis and the 
first Franciscans has developed wonderfully. 
Nicolo Papini 1 was among the first to adopt, in 
the use of the Franciscan sources, the critical 
method inaugurated by th^ Bollandists. 

Among those who, after him, wrote lives and 
histories of St. Francis from the Catholic point 
of view, may be mentioned Chavin de Malan,* 
A. de Segur, 3 Luigi Palomes, 4 Panfilo da Mag- 
liano, 6 Leopold de Cherance, 6 Anast. Bocci, 7 
Daurignac, 8 Leon Le Monnier, 9 L. de Ker- 
val, 10 Berthaumier, 11 F. X. Keller, 12 Bern- 



1 "La Storia di San Francesco d'Assisi, Opera 
Critica," Foligno, 1825-1827. "Notizie secure della 
morte, sepoltura, cannonizzazione e translazione di 
San Francesco," Foligno, 1824. 

2 "Histoire de Saint Francois," Paris, 1841. 

3 "Histoire populaire de Saint Francois," Paris, 
1867. 

* "Storia di San Francesco," Palermo, 1873. 

5 "Storia compendiosa di San Francesco e dei 
Francescani," 2 vols., Roma, 1874-1876. 

6 "Saint Francois d'Assise," Paris, 1879. 

7 "II vero amico del popolo, San Francesco," Pis- 
toia, 1882. 

8 "Histoire de Saint Francois," Abbeville, 1887. 

9 "Histoire de Saint Francois d Assise," 2 vols., 
Paris, 1889. 

10 "St. Francois el l'ordre seraphique," Vanves, 1898. 
" "Vie de St. Francois," Tours, 1889. 

12 "Der heilige Franziscus von Assisi," R. b., 1893. 



Recent Works 241 

hard Christen, 1 De la Rive, 2 Cusack, 3 Paul 
Henry,* F. Tarducci. 5 Among Protestants 
and Rationalists we have as biographers 
of the saint: G. Vogt, 6 Karl Hase, 7 R. 
Bonghi, 8 Sir James Stephen, 9 Mrs. Oliphant, 10 
Canon Knox Little, 11 Staff Captain Douglas of 
the Salvation Army, 12 Arvede Barine, 13 John 
Herkless, 14 Jas. Adderley, 15 J. H. Mcll- 
vaine, 16 T. E. Harvey. 17 

1 "Leben des heiligen Franciscus von Assisi," 
Innsbruck, 1899. 

2 "Saint Francois d'Assise," Geneve, 1901. 

3 "St. Francis and Franciscans," Baltimore, 1902. 

4 "St. Francois d Assise et son ecole d'apres les 
documents originaux," Paris, 1903. 

8 "Vita di San Francesco dAssisi," Mantua, 1904. 

6 "Der heilige Franziscus," Tubingen, 1840. 

T "Franz von Assisi, ein Lebensbild," Leipsig, 1856. 

8 "Francesco d Assisi," Citta di Castello, 1884. 

8 "Saint Francis of Assisi," in "Essays in ecclesiastical 

10 "Francis of Assisi," London, 1889. [biographies." 

11 "St. Francis of Assisi, his times, life and work." 
Lectures in Worcester Cathedral. New York, 1897. 

12 "Brother Francis, or less than the least," in the 
Red Hot Library. [Compagnons," Paris, 1901. 

13 "St. Francois d Assise et la legende des Trois 

14 "Francis, Dominic and the Mendicant Orders," 
in the "World Epoch Makers" series. New York, 1901. 

15 "Francis, the little Poor Man of Assisi," London, 
1901. [New York, 1902. 

16 "Saint Francis of Assisi," six lectures in Lent. 
1T "St. Francis, etc." London, 1904. 



242 Appendix 

Others have studied Francis from some par- 
ticular point of view, or have described some 
special phase of his life and work. 

Granger de D., 1 Bernardin de Paris, 2 Aus- 
serer, 3 Fr. Stanislaus, O.S.F.C., etc., 4 . . 

have considered mainly the saint in Francis. 

Then we may mention various essays, as those 
of J. E. Renan, 5 Delecluze, 6 Frattini, 7 Odeschal- 
chi, 8 Dubosc, 9 R. Mariano, 10 Westlake, 11 P. 
Doreau, 12 Fr. Paschal Robinson, 13 G. Schniirer, 14 

1 "Saint Francis d'Assise, Providence du Moyen 
Age par amour," Paris, 1875. 

2 "L'esprit de Saint Francois d'Assise," 2 vols., 
Paris, 1880. 

3 "Der heilige Franciscus, Christi Nachbild und 
des Christen Vorbild," Innsbruck, 1882. 

4 "The inner life of St. Francis," London, 1900. 

5 "Saint Francois d'Assise," in "Nouvelles etudes 
religieuses." [d'Aquin," 2 vols., Paris, 1844. 

6 "Gregoire VII, St. Francois d'Assise, St. Thomas 

7 "San Francesco e la citta di Spello," Assisi, 1881. 

8 "Tre grandi Uomini: Christoforo Colombo, San 
Francesco d'Assisi e il Cid," Studii., Roma, 1885. 

9 " Sain t Fran coisd Assise, "These, Montau ban, 1882. 

10 "Francesco d'Assisi e alcuni dei suoi piu recenti 
biografi," Napoli, 1896. 

11 "On the authentic Portraiture of St. Francis of 
Assisi," London, 1897. 

12 "St. Francois d'Assise et son ceuvre." Paris, 1902. 

13 "The real St. Francis of Assisi," 1903. "The 
teaching of St. Francis of Assisi." 1905. 

14 "Die Vertiefung des religiosen Lebens. * . s etc., 
Franz von Assisi," Munich, 1905. 



Recent Works 243 

the "Omaggio storico, filosofico, teologico al 
Patriarcha San Francesco," 1 etc. . . . 

The history of the first Franciscans has been 
treated by Luigi Palomes, 2 Panfilo da Mag- 
liano, 3 Marcellino da Civezza, 4 in Italy; by H. 
de Grezes, 5 Ubald de Chanday, 6 L. de Kerval, 7 
de Barenton, 8 in France; by Evers, 9 A. Hertzog, 10 
in Germany; and by A. Jessop, n AnneMcDonell, 12 
in England. 

On the Third Order we have the works of 

1 2 vols., Prato, 1882. 

2 "Dei Frati Minori e delle loro denominazioni," 
Palermo, 1897. 

3 "Storia compendiosa di San Francesco e dei 
Francescani," 2 vols., Roma, 1874-1876. 

4 "Storia universale delle missione Francescane," 
Roma, 1857; Prato, 1881. 

' "L'Ordre de Saint Francois," Paris, 1884. 

6 "Les fils de Saint Francois," Paris, 1884. These 
two works, with "Saint Fran cois dans Fart," and the 
life of St. Francis by Leopold of Cherance, have been 
published in an edition de luxe under the care of Du 
Chatel, de Porrenlruy et Brin, 1 vol., 4to, Paris, 1885. 

7 "Saint Francois d'Assise et l'ordre Seraphique," 
Vanves, 1898. 

8 " Les Franciscains en France," in the "Science et 
Religion" series. Paris, 1903. [Leipsig, 1882. 

9 "Analecta ad Fratrum Minorum historiam," 

10 " Franciscus von Assisi, der Grunder des Francis- 
canerordens," Zabern, 1894. 

» "The Coming of the Friars." 

" "The Sons of Francis," London, 1902. 



244 Appendix 

Breisdorff, 1 Gerard de Vaucouleur, 2 and particu- 
larly those of Karl Miiller, 3 and P. Mandonnet, 
O. P., 4 which are masterpieces of historical research. 

Miss Duff Gordon has published in the series 
of "Medieval Towns" 5 a little work which con- 
tains interesting data on Francis and his native 
place. Beryl D. de Selincourt also, in his 
" Homes of the First Franciscans,"" has written 
in the same line. 

From a psychological and medical point of 
view, St. Francis has been studied by Steyrer; 7 
and more recently by two physicians, M. A. 
Bournet, 8 a Protestant, and Th. Cotelle, 9 a 
Catholic. 

1 "Der dritten Orden des heiligen Franciscus und 
seine Regel," Luxembourg, 1876. 

2 "Documents pour expliquer la regie du Tiers 
Ordre," Paris, 1899. 

3 " Die Anf ange des Minoritenordens," Freiburg, 1885. 

4 "Les origines de 1'ordre de Pcenitentia," Fri- 
bourg, 1898. "Les regies et le gouvernement de 
FOrdo de Poenitentia au XIII e Siecle," Paris, 1902. 

5 "Assisi," London, 1900. 

6 London, 1905. 

7 "Disquisitio historica, an Sanctus Franciscus 
Assisiensis fuerit homo insanus et fanaticus," Fri- 
burgi Brisgovise, 1779. 

8 "Etude sociale et medicate sur St. Fran cois 
d'Assise," Paris, 1893. 

9 "St. Francois d Assise, etude medicale," Paris, 
1895. 



Recent Works 245 

Then, coming nearer to our subject, Goerres, 1 
F. Ozanam, 2 Heinrich, 3 M. . . , the anony- 
mous writer already referred to, 4 Henry Thode, 5 
Alphonse Germain, 6 have shown the influence of 
St. Francis on literature and art. 

The reform work proper of St. Francis has 
also been the object of a few books. The work 
of Francesco Prudenzano 7 on this subject has gone 
through many editions. The author, however, 
treats rather of the influence of Francis on civili- 
zation, and seems to exaggerate this influence : 
he calls the period which preceded Francis the 
"Periodo barbaro e di tradizioni pagane," while 
the following period is qualified by the name of 
"Periodo di Civilta." 

Shortly after the publication of Prudenzano's 

1 "Der heilige Franciscus von Assisi, ein Trouba- 
dour," Strassburg, 1826. 

2 "Les poetes Franciscains en Italie au XIIP siecle," 
Paris, 1847. 

3 "Franciscus von Assisi und seine kulturhistorische 
Bedeutung," Frankfurt, 1883. 

4 "Saint Francois dans l'art," Paris, 1884. 

5 "Franciscus von Assisi und die Anfange der Kunst 
der Renaissance in Italien," Berlin, 1885. 

6 "L'influence de St. Francois sur la civilization et 
les arts," in the "Science et Religion" series, Paris, 
1903. 

T "Franc. d'Ass. e il suo secolo," Naples, 1852. 



246 Appendix 

work, Fred. Morin wrote a little book on St. 
Francis, 1 in which he shows well the influence of 
the Third Order on the social and political in- 
stitutions of the time. This work has long been 
out of print; a summary of it by the author 
himself may be found in Migne's " Dictionnaire 
de philosophic Scolastique." 

Giussepe Orlando, S.J., published in the 
"Sicilia Cattolica" a series of articles which were 
translated into French and published in book 
form under the heading of "Saint Frangois d' As- 
sise et son influence religieuse, sociale, litteraire et 
artistique." 2 The work has little scientific value. 

A little brochure, whose title seems to herald 
great things, "Der Apostel der Armuth,St. Fran- 
ciscus von Assisi, ein Befreier und Reformator 
im Geiste der katholischen Kirche," 3 can not 
fail to disappoint the reader, as it is little more 
than a refutation of H. Thode's Protestant ideas 
on St. Francis. 

Again the little volume of Sac. Dott. A. Can- 
tono 4 deserves passing mention here; but, as the 

1 "St. Francis et les Franciscains," Paris, 1853. 

2 Paris, 1885. The original may be found in the 
numbers of Sept. and Oct., 1882, of "La Sicilia 

3 By C. P., Weihnachten, 1893. [Cattolica." 

4 "San Francesco d'Assisi e la democrazia Cris- 
tiana," from the "Fede e Scienza" series, Roma, 1903. 



Recent Works 247 

author himself says, it has no pretension to erudi- 
tion and is destined only for popular reading. 

The work of F. Glaser 1 has far more critical 
value; it is written from the Protestant point of 
view and treats mainly of the idea of poverty 
in its relations to the reform movement of the 
Middle Ages, and particularly to that inaugu- 
rated by St. Francis. 

Finally, we may not omit the encyclical of Leo 
XIII, "Auspicato concessum est," 2 besides his 
letters and discourses on the reform wrought by 
Francis, particularly through the Third Order. 3 

This list is not exhaustive. We have omitted 
all the works which do not treat directly of St. 
Francis, but which contain, however, a great 
deal that might and should have a place in a com- 
plete bibliography of the subject. 4 We have left 

1 "Die FranziskanischeBewegung/'Stuttgard, 1903. 

2 Sept. 17, 1882. 

3 Passim in "Acta." All documents relating to the 
Third Order have been collected in a popular 
edition, "Le Pape et le Tiers Ordre,"by Fr. Pascal. 
Cf. also Fernandez Garcia Marianus, O.F.M. : "S.S. 
D. N. Leonis P.P. XIII, Acta ad Tertium FraDcis- 
canum ordinem spectantia." Quaracchi, 1901. 

4 Cf . for instance: Emile Gebhart, "Italie mys- 
tique," Paris, 1893. Harnack: "Lehrbuch der Dog- 
mengeschichte," Freiburg, I. B., 1890; "Das Moneh- 
tum . . . etc." Ludovic de Besse: "Le Bienheureux 
Bernardin de Feltre et son ceuvre," Tours, 1902. 



248 Appendix 

out also an immense amount of literature on 
Francis which is to be found in magazines and 
reviews of all kinds and of all countries. 1 It is 
hardly necessary to call attention to the fact that 
this literature, both in magazines and in book 
form, is growing every day. Evidently the cause 
of this popularity is to be traced ultimately to 
the sweet figure of the Poverello himself; but we 
must mention two men who have greatly con- 
tributed to this Franciscan movement, two men 
who, though far apart in religious opinion, met 
on common ground in the love of St. Francis, — 
Leo XIII and Paul Sabatier. To Leo XIII, 
who believed that society to-day can be reformed, 
as it was in the thirteenth century, through the 
Third Order, — to his influence, — to his encyclical 
"Auspicato concessum est," recommending the 
Third Order to all the faithful, — to his constitu- 
tion "Misericors Dei Filius," adapting the rule 
of the Third Order to present conditions and 

1 Cf. Reviews of Articles on St. Francis in 'Acta 
Bollandiana." Poole's directory for English reviews. 
Articles in "Le Vingtieme siecle" on the social action 
of St. Francis. Georg Ratzinger: "Die soziale Bed- 
eutung des heiligen Franziskus" in "Forshung. zur 
bayr. Gesch.," 1897. Paul Sabatier: "St. Francis and 
the 80th century" in "Contemporary Rev.," Dec., 
1902. 



Recent Works 249 

needs, — to the active part which he took in the 
Franciscan reform, we owe not only the abun- 
dant literature of late years on the social role 
of St. Francis and the Third Order, but also the 
practical movement towards religious and social 
reform again revived by the Third Order in 
modern times. To Sabatier we owe the uni- 
versal enthusiasm which has spread not only 
through the Catholic world, but among Protest- 
ants and Rationalists as well. It is true, 
Goerres, Karl Hase, Vogt, Thode, Bonghi, 
Renan, had already recounted in the Protestant 
and Rationalist world the glories of the Poverello; 
but there is no doubt that the life of St. Francis 
published by Sabatier in 1893 awakened a new 
enthusiasm, which has continued to increase 
ever, since. His life of St. Francis was imme- 
diately translated into all languages, and in 
France alone it has already gone through twenty- 
nine editions. The works of Alderley, Knox 
Little, Herkless, Mcllvaine, McDonell, to quote 
only English authors, can all be traced to the in- 
fluence of Paul Sabatier, and it would perhaps 
not be outside the truth to say that even most 
Catholic works which have since appeared on the 
history of St. Francis, have been called forth by 
Sabatier's work. They arose either as a pro- 



250 Appendix 

test against the new presentation of the saint, 
or in holy emulation; they represent an earnest 
endeavor to offer to the world a tribute from a 
Catholic point of view as worthy of St. Fran- 
cis as that offered to him by one of his Protestant 
admirers. 



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F. Egan. 
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